There was one part of the documentary where Rae Spoon i was concerned for themself i when they i were traveling in the Midwest in the U.S. 1 c b. (Ewan Duarte, “7 trans films from the summer film festival circuit that you must see,” (4) various ways (see, e.g., Bismark 2010 for a survey). 1. Setting aside varieties of English in which ‘singular’ agreement has generalized in * you wast c. you were Original Plumbing, August 2014) A paradigm and a puzzle a. (7) * they was ¹ c. they were b. ( s ) he was a. (6) 0 The real paradigm † thou wast
1 c A paradigm and a puzzle (Ewan Duarte, “7 trans films from the summer film festival circuit that you must see,” (4) various ways (see, e.g., Bismark 2010 for a survey). 1. Setting aside varieties of English in which ‘singular’ agreement has generalized in * you wast c. you were b. Original Plumbing, August 2014) a. (7) * they was ¹ c. they were b. ( s ) he was a. (6) 0 The real paradigm † thou wast There was one part of the documentary where Rae Spoon i was concerned for themself i when they i were traveling in the Midwest in the U.S.
2 a But some verbs assign quirky case to their subjects. ‘I have always found these poodles boring.’ poodles.nom.pl kjölturakkar. these þessir bored leiðst always alltaf have.3pl hafa me.dat.sg Mér (9) (Höskuldur Thráinsson 2007: 178) Solving the puzzle ‘We went to the school.’ school-the.acc.sg skól-ann. to í went-1pl fór-um we.nom.pl Við (8) The default word order is SVO, and subjects normally have nominative case. properties of arguments. E.g., case in Icelandic: Bobaljik (2006): Agreement can depend on morphological, rather than syntactic, (Höskuldur Thráinsson 2007: 160) 0 Morphological agreement
2 a But some verbs assign quirky case to their subjects. ‘I have always found these poodles boring.’ poodles.nom.pl kjölturakkar. these þessir bored leiðst always alltaf have.3pl hafa me.dat.sg Mér (9) (Höskuldur Thráinsson 2007: 178) Solving the puzzle ‘We went to the school.’ school-the.acc.sg skól-ann. to í went-1pl fór-um we.nom.pl Við (8) The default word order is SVO, and subjects normally have nominative case. properties of arguments. E.g., case in Icelandic: Bobaljik (2006): Agreement can depend on morphological, rather than syntactic, (Höskuldur Thráinsson 2007: 160) 0 Morphological agreement
2 a But some verbs assign quirky case to their subjects. ‘I have always found these poodles boring.’ poodles.nom.pl kjölturakkar. these þessir bored leiðst always alltaf have.3pl hafa me.dat.sg Mér (9) (Höskuldur Thráinsson 2007: 178) Solving the puzzle ‘We went to the school.’ school-the.acc.sg skól-ann. to í went-1pl fór-um we.nom.pl Við (8) The default word order is SVO, and subjects normally have nominative case. properties of arguments. E.g., case in Icelandic: Bobaljik (2006): Agreement can depend on morphological, rather than syntactic, (Höskuldur Thráinsson 2007: 160) 0 Morphological agreement
2 a Mér (Höskuldur Thráinsson 2007: 160) ‘I have always found these poodles boring.’ poodles.nom.pl kjölturakkar. these þessir bored leiðst always alltaf have.3pl hafa me.dat.sg (9) Solving the puzzle (Höskuldur Thráinsson 2007: 178) ‘We went to the school.’ school-the.acc.sg skól-ann. to í went-1pl fór-um we.nom.pl Við (8) necessarily the subject. (Auxiliary) verbs agree with whichever argument has nominative case—not Appendix A: How do we know mér is really the subject in (9)? 0 Morphological agreement
2 a Mér (Höskuldur Thráinsson 2007: 160) ‘I have always found these poodles boring.’ poodles.nom.pl kjölturakkar. these þessir bored leiðst always alltaf have.3pl hafa me.dat.sg (9) Solving the puzzle (Höskuldur Thráinsson 2007: 178) ‘We went to the school.’ school-the.acc.sg skól-ann. to í went-1pl fór-um we.nom.pl Við (8) necessarily the subject. (Auxiliary) verbs agree with whichever argument has nominative case—not Appendix A: How do we know mér is really the subject in (9)? 0 Morphological agreement
2 a Mér (Höskuldur Thráinsson 2007: 160) ‘I have always found these poodles boring.’ poodles.nom.pl kjölturakkar. these þessir bored leiðst always alltaf have.3pl hafa me.dat.sg (9) Solving the puzzle (Höskuldur Thráinsson 2007: 178) ‘We went to the school.’ school-the.acc.sg skól-ann. to í went-1pl fór-um we.nom.pl Við (8) necessarily the subject. (Auxiliary) verbs agree with whichever argument has nominative case—not Appendix A: How do we know mér is really the subject in (9)? 0 Morphological agreement
2 a Mér (Höskuldur Thráinsson 2007: 160) ‘I have always found these poodles boring.’ poodles.nom.pl kjölturakkar. these þessir bored leiðst always alltaf have.3pl hafa me.dat.sg (9) Solving the puzzle (Höskuldur Thráinsson 2007: 178) ‘We went to the school.’ school-the.acc.sg skól-ann. to í went-1pl fór-um we.nom.pl Við (8) necessarily the subject. (Auxiliary) verbs agree with whichever argument has nominative case—not Appendix A: How do we know mér is really the subject in (9)? 0 Morphological agreement
(1974, 1978): Unmarked case > Dependent case > Lexical/oblique case 2 a these default case lexical case pl nom dat poodle +pl bore +p.part have 1sg (Höskuldur Thráinsson 2007: 160) ‘I have always found these poodles boring.’ poodles.nom.pl kjölturakkar. þessir Solving the puzzle bored leiðst always alltaf have.3pl hafa me.dat Mér (9) What the verb agrees with is determined by a hierarchy adapted from Moravcsik assignment. Bobaljik’s (2006) proposal: Agreement happens after morphological case agreement 0 Morphological agreement
2 a these default case lexical case pl nom dat poodle +pl bore +p.part have 1sg (Höskuldur Thráinsson 2007: 160) ‘I have always found these poodles boring.’ poodles.nom.pl kjölturakkar. þessir Solving the puzzle bored leiðst always alltaf have.3pl hafa me.dat Mér (9) What the verb agrees with is determined by a hierarchy adapted from Moravcsik assignment. Bobaljik’s (2006) proposal: Agreement happens after morphological case agreement 0 Morphological agreement (1974, 1978): Unmarked case > Dependent case > Lexical/oblique case
2 a these default case lexical case pl nom dat poodle +pl bore +p.part have 1sg (Höskuldur Thráinsson 2007: 160) ‘I have always found these poodles boring.’ poodles.nom.pl kjölturakkar. þessir Solving the puzzle bored leiðst always alltaf have.3pl hafa me.dat Mér (9) What the verb agrees with is determined by a hierarchy adapted from Moravcsik assignment. Bobaljik’s (2006) proposal: Agreement happens after morphological case agreement 0 Morphological agreement (1974, 1978): Unmarked case > Dependent case > Lexical/oblique case
2 a these default case lexical case pl nom dat poodle +pl bore +p.part have 1sg (Höskuldur Thráinsson 2007: 160) ‘I have always found these poodles boring.’ poodles.nom.pl kjölturakkar. þessir Solving the puzzle bored leiðst always alltaf have.3pl hafa me.dat Mér (9) What the verb agrees with is determined by a hierarchy adapted from Moravcsik assignment. Bobaljik’s (2006) proposal: Agreement happens after morphological case agreement 0 Morphological agreement (1974, 1978): Unmarked case > Dependent case > Lexical/oblique case
2 a these default case lexical case pl nom dat poodle +pl bore +p.part have 1sg (Höskuldur Thráinsson 2007: 160) ‘I have always found these poodles boring.’ poodles.nom.pl kjölturakkar. þessir Solving the puzzle bored leiðst always alltaf have.3pl hafa me.dat Mér (9) What the verb agrees with is determined by a hierarchy adapted from Moravcsik assignment. Bobaljik’s (2006) proposal: Agreement happens after morphological case agreement 0 Morphological agreement (1974, 1978): Unmarked case > Dependent case > Lexical/oblique case
2 a these default case lexical case pl nom dat poodle +pl bore +p.part have 1sg (Höskuldur Thráinsson 2007: 160) ‘I have always found these poodles boring.’ poodles.nom.pl kjölturakkar. þessir Solving the puzzle bored leiðst always alltaf have.3pl hafa me.dat Mér (9) What the verb agrees with is determined by a hierarchy adapted from Moravcsik assignment. Bobaljik’s (2006) proposal: Agreement happens after morphological case agreement 0 Morphological agreement (1974, 1978): Unmarked case > Dependent case > Lexical/oblique case
2 a these default case lexical case pl nom dat poodle +pl bore +p.part have 1sg (Höskuldur Thráinsson 2007: 160) ‘I have always found these poodles boring.’ poodles.nom.pl kjölturakkar. þessir Solving the puzzle bored leiðst always alltaf have.3pl hafa me.dat Mér (9) What the verb agrees with is determined by a hierarchy adapted from Moravcsik assignment. Bobaljik’s (2006) proposal: Agreement happens after morphological case agreement 0 Morphological agreement (1974, 1978): Unmarked case > Dependent case > Lexical/oblique case
2 b Solving the puzzle Proposal: Agreement with English subject pronouns depends on their spell-out. Specifically, verbs agree only with features that are overtly realized on their subjects. Caveats: This can’t be universal—some languages have rich agreement with null subjects. Why only pronouns? We’ll come back to this. 0 Proposal
2 b Solving the puzzle Proposal: Agreement with English subject pronouns depends on their spell-out. Specifically, verbs agree only with features that are overtly realized on their subjects. Caveats: This can’t be universal—some languages have rich agreement with null subjects. Why only pronouns? We’ll come back to this. 0 Proposal
2 b Solving the puzzle Proposal: Agreement with English subject pronouns depends on their spell-out. Specifically, verbs agree only with features that are overtly realized on their subjects. Caveats: This can’t be universal—some languages have rich agreement with null subjects. Why only pronouns? We’ll come back to this. 0 Proposal
2 b Solving the puzzle Proposal: Agreement with English subject pronouns depends on their spell-out. Specifically, verbs agree only with features that are overtly realized on their subjects. Caveats: This can’t be universal—some languages have rich agreement with null subjects. Why only pronouns? We’ll come back to this. 0 Proposal
[ � participant] [ � participant] [ � author] [ � author] [ � minimal] [ � minimal] Animacy: [ � inanimate] plural singular (adapted from Harley & Ritter 2002; Harbour 2014) Number: 2 c 1st Solving the puzzle 3rd (Cowper & Hall 2019, adapted from Harbour 2016) Person: 2nd 0 Assumptions about features L Contrastive features Binary features (would also work with only the � values marked):
[ � minimal] [ � minimal] Animacy: [ � inanimate] Solving the puzzle plural singular (adapted from Harley & Ritter 2002; Harbour 2014) Number: 1st 2 c 3rd (Cowper & Hall 2019, adapted from Harbour 2016) Person: 2nd 0 Assumptions about features L Contrastive features Binary features (would also work with only the � values marked): [ � participant] [ � participant] [ � author] [ � author]
Animacy: [ � inanimate] Solving the puzzle plural singular (adapted from Harley & Ritter 2002; Harbour 2014) Number: 1st 2 c 3rd (Cowper & Hall 2019, adapted from Harbour 2016) Person: 2nd 0 Assumptions about features L Contrastive features Binary features (would also work with only the � values marked): [ � participant] [ � participant] [ � author] [ � author] [ � minimal] [ � minimal]
2 c Solving the puzzle plural singular (adapted from Harley & Ritter 2002; Harbour 2014) Number: 1st 2nd 3rd (Cowper & Hall 2019, adapted from Harbour 2016) Person: 0 Assumptions about features L Contrastive features Binary features (would also work with only the � values marked): [ � participant] [ � participant] [ � author] [ � author] [ � minimal] [ � minimal] Animacy: [ � inanimate]
2 c Solving the puzzle Adjunct modifier features are monovalent—but not privative. (Wiltschko 2008) They are optional, and their absence is non-contrastive. Gender: (Konnelly & Cowper 2019; Bjorkman 2017) Feminine (on she, her, hers ) Masculine (on he, him, his ) Register: (Cowper & Hall 2003) Archaic (on thou, thee, thy, thine, art, wast, wert, … ) 0 Assumptions about features L Modifier features
2 c Solving the puzzle Adjunct modifier features are monovalent—but not privative. (Wiltschko 2008) They are optional, and their absence is non-contrastive. Gender: (Konnelly & Cowper 2019; Bjorkman 2017) Feminine (on she, her, hers ) Masculine (on he, him, his ) Register: (Cowper & Hall 2003) Archaic (on thou, thee, thy, thine, art, wast, wert, … ) 0 Assumptions about features L Modifier features
2 c Solving the puzzle Adjunct modifier features are monovalent—but not privative. (Wiltschko 2008) They are optional, and their absence is non-contrastive. Gender: (Konnelly & Cowper 2019; Bjorkman 2017) Feminine (on she, her, hers ) Masculine (on he, him, his ) Register: (Cowper & Hall 2003) Archaic (on thou, thee, thy, thine, art, wast, wert, … ) 0 Assumptions about features L Modifier features
� � participant � 2 d Solving the puzzle agreement insertion vocabulary default case were they nom be (See appendix B for you were. ) pronoun 0 Spelling it out: They sg were < = @ A @ A � participant @ A � � past � @ A � minimal @ A > ? � inanimate
� � participant � 2 d Solving the puzzle agreement insertion vocabulary default case were they nom be (See appendix B for you were. ) pronoun 0 Spelling it out: They sg were < = @ A @ A � participant @ A � � past � @ A � minimal @ A > ? � inanimate
� � participant � 2 d insertion nom they were default case vocabulary agreement nom (See appendix B for you were. ) it he Feminine Solving the puzzle she nom be Vocabulary Items Masculine nom pronoun they 0 Spelling it out: They sg were < = @ A @ A � participant @ A @ A @ � minimal A � < = > ? @ A � inanimate @ A � participant @ A � � past � < = @ A @ A � minimal @ A @ A � participant @ A > ? @ A � inanimate � minimal @ A @ A � @ � inanimate A @ A @ A > ? < = @ A @ A � participant @ A @ A � minimal @ A @ A � @ � inanimate A @ A @ A ? > � � participant � �
� � participant � 2 d insertion nom they were default case vocabulary agreement nom (See appendix B for you were. ) it he Feminine Solving the puzzle she nom be Vocabulary Items Masculine nom pronoun they 0 Spelling it out: They sg were < = @ A @ A � participant @ A @ A @ � minimal A � < = > ? @ A � inanimate @ A � participant @ A � � past � < = @ A @ A � minimal @ A @ A � participant @ A > ? @ A � inanimate � minimal @ A @ A � @ � inanimate A @ A @ A > ? < = @ A @ A � participant @ A @ A � minimal @ A @ A � @ � inanimate A @ A @ A > ? � � participant � �
� � participant � 2 d insertion nom they were default case vocabulary agreement nom (See appendix B for you were. ) it he Feminine Solving the puzzle she nom be Vocabulary Items Masculine nom pronoun they 0 Spelling it out: They sg were < = @ A @ A � participant @ A @ A @ � minimal A � < = > ? @ A � inanimate @ A � participant @ A � � past � < = @ A @ A � minimal @ A @ A � participant @ A > ? @ A � inanimate � minimal @ A @ A � @ � inanimate A @ A @ A > ? < = @ A @ A � participant @ A @ A � minimal @ A @ A � @ � inanimate A @ A @ A > ? � � participant � �
2 d Solving the puzzle agreement insertion vocabulary default case were they nom be (See appendix B for you were. ) pronoun 0 Spelling it out: They sg were < = @ A @ A � participant @ A � � past � @ A � minimal @ A > ? � inanimate � � participant �
2 d wast they were default case vocabulary insertion agreement (See appendix B for you were. ) Vocabulary Items be be Solving the puzzle Archaic was be were be pronoun nom 0 Spelling it out: They sg were < = @ A @ A � past < = @ A @ A @ A � minimal @ A @ A � participant � @ A � � past � @ A @ � participant A @ A @ A � minimal @ A @ A � author > ? > ? � inanimate � � participant � � � past � minimal � � � � past � �
2 d wast they were default case vocabulary insertion agreement (See appendix B for you were. ) Vocabulary Items be be Solving the puzzle Archaic was be were be pronoun nom 0 Spelling it out: They sg were < = @ A @ A � past < = @ A @ A @ A � minimal @ A @ A � participant � @ A � � past � @ A @ � participant A @ A @ A � minimal @ A @ A � author > ? > ? � inanimate � � participant � � � past � minimal � � � � past � �
2 d wast they were default case vocabulary insertion agreement (See appendix B for you were. ) Vocabulary Items be be Solving the puzzle Archaic was be were be pronoun nom 0 Spelling it out: They sg were < = @ A @ A � past < = @ A @ A @ A � minimal @ A @ A � participant � @ A � � past � @ A @ � participant A @ A @ A � minimal @ A @ A � author > ? > ? � inanimate � � participant � � � past � minimal � � � � past � �
2 d Solving the puzzle agreement insertion vocabulary default case were they nom be (See appendix B for you were. ) pronoun 0 Spelling it out: They sg were < = @ A @ A � participant @ A � � past � @ A � minimal @ A > ? � inanimate � � participant �
(4 � ) *Rae Spoon i was concerned for themself i when they i was travelling… * � Muggins here � am going to have to do all the work. 2 e Solving the puzzle Agreement with meaning rather than form happens: (10) …the whole family were together in the same room… (Diary of Sir Dudley Ryder, 1716) But not with pronouns: And only for number, not person: (11) Yours truly 0 What about semantic agreement?
* � Muggins here � am going to have to do all the work. 2 e Solving the puzzle Agreement with meaning rather than form happens: (10) …the whole family were together in the same room… (Diary of Sir Dudley Ryder, 1716) But not with pronouns: And only for number, not person: (11) Yours truly 0 What about semantic agreement? (4 � ) *Rae Spoon i was concerned for themself i when they i was travelling…
2 e Solving the puzzle Agreement with meaning rather than form happens: (10) …the whole family were together in the same room… (Diary of Sir Dudley Ryder, 1716) But not with pronouns: And only for number, not person: (11) Yours truly 0 What about semantic agreement? (4 � ) *Rae Spoon i was concerned for themself i when they i was travelling… * � Muggins here � am going to have to do all the work.
b. The number of werewolves was increasing. (2009) propose that pronouns are φ Ps, as opposed to DPs. 2 f Solving the puzzle As proposed above, agreement with pronouns depends on features of VIs. Number ‘agreement’ with other nominal phrases is (at least sometimes) semantic, allowing for pluringulars (den Dikken 2001): (12) …the committee were generally agreed that some form of oath should be prescribed… (Debates and Proceedings of the Constitutional Convention of the State of Illinois, 1870) (13) a. A number of werewolves were present. The difference could be based on a difference in syntactic category: Cowper & Hall 0 Pronouns vs. other nominals
b. The number of werewolves was increasing. (2009) propose that pronouns are φ Ps, as opposed to DPs. 2 f Solving the puzzle As proposed above, agreement with pronouns depends on features of VIs. Number ‘agreement’ with other nominal phrases is (at least sometimes) semantic, allowing for pluringulars (den Dikken 2001): (12) …the committee were generally agreed that some form of oath should be prescribed… (Debates and Proceedings of the Constitutional Convention of the State of Illinois, 1870) (13) a. A number of werewolves were present. The difference could be based on a difference in syntactic category: Cowper & Hall 0 Pronouns vs. other nominals
b. The number of werewolves was increasing. (2009) propose that pronouns are φ Ps, as opposed to DPs. 2 f Solving the puzzle As proposed above, agreement with pronouns depends on features of VIs. Number ‘agreement’ with other nominal phrases is (at least sometimes) semantic, allowing for pluringulars (den Dikken 2001): (12) …the committee were generally agreed that some form of oath should be prescribed… (Debates and Proceedings of the Constitutional Convention of the State of Illinois, 1870) (13) a. A number of werewolves were present. The difference could be based on a difference in syntactic category: Cowper & Hall 0 Pronouns vs. other nominals
(2009) propose that pronouns are φ Ps, as opposed to DPs. 2 f Solving the puzzle As proposed above, agreement with pronouns depends on features of VIs. Number ‘agreement’ with other nominal phrases is (at least sometimes) semantic, allowing for pluringulars (den Dikken 2001) and transparency: (12) …the committee were generally agreed that some form of oath should be prescribed… (Debates and Proceedings of the Constitutional Convention of the State of Illinois, 1870) (13) a. A number of werewolves were present. The difference could be based on a difference in syntactic category: Cowper & Hall 0 Pronouns vs. other nominals b. The number of werewolves was increasing.
2 f Solving the puzzle As proposed above, agreement with pronouns depends on features of VIs. Number ‘agreement’ with other nominal phrases is (at least sometimes) semantic, allowing for pluringulars (den Dikken 2001) and transparency: (12) …the committee were generally agreed that some form of oath should be prescribed… (Debates and Proceedings of the Constitutional Convention of the State of Illinois, 1870) (13) a. A number of werewolves were present. The difference could be based on a difference in syntactic category: Cowper & Hall 0 Pronouns vs. other nominals b. The number of werewolves was increasing. (2009) propose that pronouns are φ Ps, as opposed to DPs.
% Who were singing? b. the people who were singing c. the group who � was were � singing % Who were besieging the castle? % Who all was throwing stones in 3 a Who was singing? Guildhall Square? e. d. Who was besieging the castle? c. b. Interrogative: a. Agreement or invariant sg. Consequences for who (15) greement Relative: (14) and interrogative who does so for some speakers as well: Unlike personal pronouns, relative who consistently shows semantic number agreement, (McCloskey 2000: 78) 0 A different pattern a. the person who was singing
c. the group who � was were � singing % Who were besieging the castle? % Who all was throwing stones in 3 a Who was singing? Guildhall Square? e. d. Who was besieging the castle? c. b. Interrogative: Agreement or invariant sg. a. Consequences for who (15) Relative: Agreement (14) and interrogative who does so for some speakers as well: Unlike personal pronouns, relative who consistently shows semantic number agreement, (McCloskey 2000: 78) 0 A different pattern a. the person who was singing % Who were singing? b. the people who were singing
% Who all was throwing stones in 3 a Consequences for who Guildhall Square? e. d. Who was besieging the castle? c. b. Who was singing? a. Interrogative: Agreement or invariant sg. Relative: Semantic agreement (15) (14) and interrogative who does so for some speakers as well: Unlike personal pronouns, relative who consistently shows semantic number agreement, (McCloskey 2000: 78) 0 A different pattern a. the person who was singing % Who were singing? b. the people who were singing c. the group who � was were � singing % Who were besieging the castle?
3 a Consequences for who Guildhall Square? e. d. Who was besieging the castle? c. b. Who was singing? a. Interrogative: Agreement or invariant sg. Relative: Semantic agreement (15) (14) and interrogative who does so for some speakers as well: Unlike personal pronouns, relative who consistently shows semantic number agreement, (McCloskey 2000: 78) 0 A different pattern a. the person who was singing % Who were singing? b. the people who were singing c. the group who � was were � singing % Who were besieging the castle? % Who all was throwing stones in
3 b who T were v P singing CP DP C TP was TP t DP T t was v P t DP C Consequences for who DP In the traditional analysis, who is a pronoun in both uses. (16) Relative (14b) (17) Interrogative (15a) D who the NP N people CP DP singing 0 The promotion structure
3 b who T were v P singing CP DP C TP was TP t DP T t was v P t DP C Consequences for who DP In the traditional analysis, who is a pronoun in both uses. (16) Relative (14b) (17) Interrogative (15a) D who the NP N people CP DP singing 0 The promotion structure
3 b who T were v P singing CP DP C TP was TP t DP T t was v P t DP C Consequences for who DP In the traditional analysis, who is a pronoun in both uses. (16) Relative (14b) (17) Interrogative (15a) D who the NP N people CP DP singing 0 The promotion structure
d NP people i ` DP e 3 b Force TP Topic who D DP TopP people Consequences for who NP ForceP the D DP Revised structure for (14b), based on Bianchi (1999) (18) the head noun in an NP like (14b) originates inside the relative clause. (Why? App. E) But Kayne (1994) and Bianchi (1999) (among others) have independently proposed that were singing 0 The promotion structure
3 b NP TP Topic who D DP TopP Force Consequences for who people ForceP the D DP Revised structure for (14b), based on Bianchi (1999) (18) the head noun in an NP like (14b) originates inside the relative clause. (Why? App. E) But Kayne (1994) and Bianchi (1999) (among others) have independently proposed that were singing 0 The promotion structure d NP people i ` DP e
a. [ Which (wine) ] was more popular, the red (wine) or the white (one)? b. [ Which (wines) ] were more popular, the red (wines) or the white (ones)? g sg g pl D NP who D DP b. NP who 3 c DP Consequences for who (20) (19) For speakers who accept (15b) and (15d), who seems to work the same way as which. % Who were besieging the castle? (15d) % Who were singing? (15b) a. 0 What about interrogative who ?
a. [ Which (wine) ] was more popular, the red (wine) or the white (one)? b. [ Which (wines) ] were more popular, the red (wines) or the white (ones)? g sg g pl D NP who D DP b. NP who 3 c DP Consequences for who (20) (19) For speakers who accept (15b) and (15d), who seems to work the same way as which. % Who were besieging the castle? (15d) % Who were singing? (15b) a. 0 What about interrogative who ?
g sg g pl DP NP who D DP b. NP who D 3 c Consequences for who (20) (19) For speakers who accept (15b) and (15d), who seems to work the same way as which. % Who were besieging the castle? (15d) % Who were singing? (15b) a. 0 What about interrogative who ? a. [ Which (wine) ] was more popular, the red (wine) or the white (one)? b. [ Which (wines) ] were more popular, the red (wines) or the white (ones)?
3 c Consequences for who NP who D DP b. NP who D DP a. (20) (19) For speakers who accept (15b) and (15d), who seems to work the same way as which. % Who were besieging the castle? (15d) % Who were singing? (15b) 0 What about interrogative who ? a. [ Which (wine) ] was more popular, the red (wine) or the white (one)? b. [ Which (wines) ] were more popular, the red (wines) or the white (ones)? g sg g pl
% Who all was throwing stones in Guildhall Square? a pronoun that spells out [ � minimal] or a determiner that can combine with g sg but not g pl (McCloskey 2000: 78) (non-monosemous) So these speakers’ interrogative who is either: agreeing with pronouns that don’t spell out number ( you, they ). But it’s singular agreement, and we need the plural verb forms to be the default when 3 c Consequences for who (15e) Who was besieging the castle? (15c) Who was singing? (15a) For other speakers, interrogative who shows invariant agreement, like other pronouns. (arbitrary) 0 What about interrogative who ?
a pronoun that spells out [ � minimal] or a determiner that can combine with g sg but not g pl 3 c (McCloskey 2000: 78) (non-monosemous) So these speakers’ interrogative who is either: agreeing with pronouns that don’t spell out number ( you, they ). But it’s singular agreement, and we need the plural verb forms to be the default when (arbitrary) Consequences for who (15e) Who was besieging the castle? (15c) Who was singing? (15a) For other speakers, interrogative who shows invariant agreement, like other pronouns. 0 What about interrogative who ? % Who all was throwing stones in Guildhall Square?
a pronoun that spells out [ � minimal] or a determiner that can combine with g sg but not g pl 3 c (McCloskey 2000: 78) (non-monosemous) So these speakers’ interrogative who is either: agreeing with pronouns that don’t spell out number ( you, they ). But it’s singular agreement, and we need the plural verb forms to be the default when (arbitrary) Consequences for who (15e) Who was besieging the castle? (15c) Who was singing? (15a) For other speakers, interrogative who shows invariant agreement, like other pronouns. 0 What about interrogative who ? % Who all was throwing stones in Guildhall Square?
a pronoun that spells out [ � minimal] or a determiner that can combine with g sg but not g pl 3 c (McCloskey 2000: 78) (non-monosemous) So these speakers’ interrogative who is either: agreeing with pronouns that don’t spell out number ( you, they ). But it’s singular agreement, and we need the plural verb forms to be the default when (arbitrary) Consequences for who (15e) Who was besieging the castle? (15c) Who was singing? (15a) For other speakers, interrogative who shows invariant agreement, like other pronouns. 0 What about interrogative who ? % Who all was throwing stones in Guildhall Square?
or a determiner that can combine with g sg but not g pl 3 c Consequences for who (non-monosemous) So these speakers’ interrogative who is either: agreeing with pronouns that don’t spell out number ( you, they ). But it’s singular agreement, and we need the plural verb forms to be the default when (McCloskey 2000: 78) (arbitrary) (15e) Who was besieging the castle? (15c) Who was singing? (15a) For other speakers, interrogative who shows invariant agreement, like other pronouns. 0 What about interrogative who ? % Who all was throwing stones in Guildhall Square? a pronoun that spells out [ � minimal]
3 c Consequences for who (non-monosemous) So these speakers’ interrogative who is either: agreeing with pronouns that don’t spell out number ( you, they ). But it’s singular agreement, and we need the plural verb forms to be the default when (McCloskey 2000: 78) (arbitrary) (15e) Who was besieging the castle? (15c) Who was singing? (15a) For other speakers, interrogative who shows invariant agreement, like other pronouns. 0 What about interrogative who ? % Who all was throwing stones in Guildhall Square? a pronoun that spells out [ � minimal] or a determiner that can combine with g sg but not g pl
4 Conclusions Singular they is part of an agreement paradigm that can’t be explained with ordinary underspecification. Instead, agreement depends on which features a pronominal subject spells out. This in turn provides novel independent evidence for the promotion analysis of relative who.
Appendices Ω How do we know Icelandic quirky subjects are subjects? Ω Person agreement with relative who Ω Does themself express number? Ω What else does the raising analysis have going for it? Ω The default value for number Ω Spelling it out: You sg were
A skólann Stelpurnar girls.the.nom fóru went í to school ‘The girls were bored in school and went home.’ en but leiddist bored þar. there (22) home How do we know Icelandic quirky subjects are subjects? í More data from Höskuldur Thráinsson (2007: 164): (21) Stelpunum girls.the.dat leiddist bored in heim. skólanum school.the og and fóru went ‘The girls went to school but were bored there.’
� � participant � � author B be insertion vocabulary default case were you nom agreement pronoun Spelling it out: You sg were < = @ A @ A � participant @ A � � past � @ A � author @ A > ? � minimal
� � participant � � author B be insertion vocabulary default case were you nom agreement pronoun Spelling it out: You sg were < = @ A @ A � participant @ A � � past � @ A � author @ A > ? � minimal
� � participant � � author B be nom Archaic thou Vocabulary Items agreement insertion vocabulary default case you nom were nom pronoun you I Spelling it out: You sg were < = @ A @ A � participant @ A @ A � author @ A @ A < = � @ � minimal A @ A @ A @ A @ A � participant @ A � � past � > ? @ A � author @ A < = > ? @ A � minimal @ A � participant @ A @ A @ � author A � @ A @ � minimal A > ? � � participant � � � author
� � participant � � author B be nom Archaic thou Vocabulary Items agreement insertion vocabulary default case you nom were nom pronoun you I Spelling it out: You sg were < = @ A @ A � participant @ A @ A � author @ A @ A < = � @ � minimal A @ A @ A @ A @ A � participant @ A � � past � > ? @ A � author @ A < = > ? @ A � minimal @ A � participant @ A @ A @ � author A � @ A @ � minimal A > ? � � participant � � � author
� � participant � � author B be nom Archaic thou Vocabulary Items agreement insertion vocabulary default case you nom were nom pronoun you I Spelling it out: You sg were < = @ A @ A � participant @ A @ A � author @ A @ A < = � @ � minimal A @ A @ A @ A @ A � participant @ A � � past � > ? @ A � author @ A < = > ? @ A � minimal @ A � participant @ A @ A @ � author A � @ A @ � minimal A > ? � � participant � � � author
B be insertion vocabulary default case were you nom agreement pronoun Spelling it out: You sg were < = @ A @ A � participant @ A � � past � @ A � author @ A > ? � minimal � � participant � � author
B wast you were default case vocabulary insertion agreement Vocabulary Items be be Archaic was be were be pronoun nom Spelling it out: You sg were < = @ A @ A � past @ A @ A < = � minimal @ A @ A � @ A @ A � participant @ � participant A @ A � � past � @ A @ A @ A � author � author @ A > ? > ? � minimal � � participant � � author � � past � minimal � � � � past � �
B wast you were default case vocabulary insertion agreement Vocabulary Items be be Archaic was be were be pronoun nom Spelling it out: You sg were < = @ A @ A � past @ A @ A < = � minimal @ A @ A � @ A @ A � participant @ � participant A @ A � � past � @ A @ A @ A � author � author @ A > ? > ? � minimal � � participant � � author � � past � minimal � � � � past � �
B wast you were default case vocabulary insertion agreement Vocabulary Items be be Archaic was be were be pronoun nom Spelling it out: You sg were < = @ A @ A � past @ A @ A < = � minimal @ A @ A � @ A @ A � participant @ � participant A @ A � � past � @ A @ A @ A � author � author @ A > ? > ? � minimal � � participant � � author � � past � minimal � � � � past � �
B be insertion vocabulary default case were you nom agreement pronoun Spelling it out: You sg were < = @ A @ A � participant @ A � � past � @ A � author @ A > ? � minimal � � participant � � author
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