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Workshop on the division of labour between phonology and morphology & Fourth Network Meeting Meertens Instituut Amsterdam, January 16, 2009 Infixation, blocking, and back-copying in Muna: an OT-account of allomorphy selection and

  1. Workshop on the division of labour between phonology and morphology & Fourth Network Meeting Meertens Instituut Amsterdam, January 16, 2009 Infixation, blocking, and back-copying in Muna: an OT-account of allomorphy selection and reduplication Albert Ortmann & Bianca Schwarz (HHU Düsseldorf) 1. Introduction Goal: to develop a comprehensive account of (i) the selection of irrealis allomorphs (ii) the four patterns that emerge when the irrealis is applied to reduplicated stems 2. The Muna language • genetic affiliation: Muna < Sulawesi < Western Malayo-Polynesian < Austronesian • spoken in Indonesia, on the island Muna (and surrounding islands) south-east of Sulawesi, as well as in eastern parts of the neighbouring island Buton • about 227,000 speakers, of which about 150,000 speak ‘Standard Muna’ • source: the grammar by van den Berg (1989) Some phonological background: (1) phoneme inventory (according to van den Berg 1989: 16): vowels front central back high i u medium E � low a consonants bi- labio- dental alveo- velar uvular glottal labial dental lar plosive p b d5 t d k g ŋ k ŋ g prenasalised mp mb nt nd n ŋ nasal m trill r frikative f s � h prenasalised ns lateral l approximant w implosive ” left: voiceless, right: voiced - prenasalised stpos and fricatives mp, mb, nt, nd, ŋ k, ŋ g, and ns are analysed as complex phonemes - no codas or consonant clusters - there are no diphthongs or long vowels - V-syllables tend to occur only root-finally - most word stems are disyllabic.

  2. Allomorphy selection and reduplication in Muna 3. Reduplication 3.1. The correspondence approach to reduplication: Given two strings S 1 and S 2 , correspondence is the relation ℜ from the elements of S 1 (2) to those of S 2 . Elements α ∈ S 1 and β ∈ S 2 are referred to as correspondents of one another when α ℜ β . McCarthy & Prince’s (1999: 87) basic model: (3) Input /Af R ED + Stem/ I-O Faithfulness Output R B B-R Identity 3.2. Three Muna reduplication patterns (i) monosyllabic reduplication: the initial syllable of the base is copied: (4) ne-la- late-mo (van den Berg 1989: 358) 3P L . REAL - RED -live- PERFECT ‘they were living’ (ii) total reduplication: the entire base (morphologically simple or complex) is copied: (5) andoke-a-ndoke (van den Berg 1989: 329) RED - ART -monkey ‘Mr. Monkey’ (iii) foot reduplication: the initial foot of the base is copied Foot reduplication can be said to be the standard type. It covers (among other idiosyncratic meanings) the following functions: – with verbs: progressive aspect, resulting state of a physical movement, purposelessness of an action, intensification, focus on the event, plurality of the subject or object – with nouns: plural, personification (of animals), various – with question words: ‚distributivity’ (6) a. ne- mpali- mpali 3 SG . REAL - RED - stroll ‘he strolls about, walks around’ b. ndiwa-ndiwawa RED -yawn ‘yawning’ c. neha- nehamai R ED - where ‘wherever’ (van den Berg 1989: 25, 326-328): 2

  3. Albert Ortmann & Bianca Schwarz (7) R ED = F T : The reduplicant is a foot. (8) M AX -BR: Every segment of the base has a correspondent in the reduplicant. neha-nehamai > nehamai-nehamai : R ED = F T >> M AX -BR neha-nehamai > neha-neha : M AX -IO >> M AX -BR (9) {R IGHT , L EFT }-A NCHOR (S 1 , S 2 ): Any element at the designated periphery of S 1 has a correspondent at the designated periphery of S 2 . (10) Ranking responsible for foot reduplication in Muna: A NCHOR -BR(L), R ED = F T , N O -C ODA >> M AX -IO >> M AX -BR (11) candidate selection for foot reduplication R ED -nehamai A NCHOR - R ED = F T N O -C ODA M AX -IO M AX -BR BR(L) a F neha-nehamai *** b neha-neha *!** c neham-nehamai *! ** d nehamai-nehamai *! e hama-nehamai *!* *** 4. um -allomorphy with simple verb stems Irrealis mood is, for one major verb class, expressed by the infix um- and its allomorphs: – with vowel-initial verb stems the allomorph m- is prefixed. – with most consonant-initial verb-stems, by contrast, um- is infixed – with initial voiceless labials (the segments p- and f- ) “nasal substitution” occurs – with voiced labial or nasal(ized) stops any realisation of the irrealis is blocked. (12) irrealis with non-reduplicated verb-stems: realis: irrealis: a. ala ‘take’ m -ala ‘will take’ = prefixation b. solo ‘flow’ s um olo ‘will flow’ = infixation c. foni ‘climb’ m oni ‘will climb’ = nasal substitution d. (i) baru ‘be happy’ baru ‘will be happy’ = blocking (ii) ndiwawa ‘yawn’ ndiwawa ‘yawn’ Description: um -, m - and ‘zero’ are phonologically conditioned allomorphs of irrealis Representation: um- is the form that we take to be underlying. We follow the radical OT-practise of deriving alternating forms by constraints. Benefit: the form inventory is characterized by the constraint-ranking, that is, the grammar, rather than being stipulated in terms of individual entries Expense: we have to employ four morpheme-specific constraints 3

  4. Allomorphy selection and reduplication in Muna 4.1. Prefixation (13) O NSET [ um -] The affix um- is always preceded by an onset. mala > umala, ? umala: D EP -IO, O NSET [ um -] >> M AX -IO 4.2. Infixation (14) A LIGN - um -L: Align the left edge of um - with the left edge of the PrWd. sumolo > umsolo, usolo : N O -C ODA , O NSET [ um -] >> A LIGN - um -L sumolo > molo : I DENT -IO >> A LIGN - um -L 4.3. Nasal substitution (15) * [ P R W D LABIAL / NASAL ... -um- ]: Avoid um - after a labial or nasal in the same prosodic word. With initial voiceless labials, nasal substitution is better than infixation or blocking: moni > fumoni/ fonumi: * [ P R W D LABIAL / NASAL ... -um- ] >> I DENT -IO, M AX -IO (16) M AX -IO[u[labial, nasal]] The features [labial, nasal] of the irrealis marker are realised in the output. moni > foni: M AX -IO[u[labial, nasal]] >> I DENT -IO 4.4. Blocking baru > bumaru, barumo, bamu : * [ P R W D LABIAL / NASAL ... -um- ] >> M AX -IO[u[labial, nasal]] (17) I DENT -I [voiced stop] O: For voiced stops, any feature specification of the input must be preserved in the output correspondent. With initial voiced labials (as well as with initial nasals), blocking is better than nasal substitution or prenasalization: baru > maru, mbaru : I DENT -I [voiced stop] O >> M AX -IO[u[labial, nasal]] I DENT -I [voiced stop] O violation. 4.5. Ranking and evaluation (18) N O -C ODA , * [ P R W D LABIAL / NASAL ... -um- ], O NSET [ um -], I DENT -I [voiced stop] O >> M AX - IO[u[labial, nasal]] >> I DENT -IO >> A LIGN - um -L, M AX -IO >> O NSET 4

  5. Albert Ortmann & Bianca Schwarz (19) prefixation: * [ P R W D LABIAL / NASAL um-ala I DENT -I [voiced stop] O M AX -IO[u[labial, O NSET [ um -] A LIGN - um -L N O -C ODA I DENT -IO M AX -IO ... -um- ] nasal]] O NSET F m ala a * b al um a **! * a m a c *! * ** * d ala *! ** * e um ala *! * f a m la *! * * * (20) infixation: * [ P R W D LABIAL / NASAL um-solo I DENT -I [voiced stop] O M AX -IO[u[labial, O NSET [ um -] A LIGN - um -L N O -C ODA I DENT -IO M AX -IO ... -um- ] nasal]] O NSET F s um olo a * b sol um o **!* c m olo *! ** d so m o *! ** ** e solo *! ** f um olo *! * * * g um solo *! * * (21) infixation with non-initial onsetless syllables: um-gaa * [ P R W D LABIAL/NASAL M AX -IO[u[labial, nasal]] I DENT -I [voiced stop] O O NSET [ um -] A LIGN - um -L N O -C ODA I DENT -IO M AX -IO ... -um- ] O NSET a F g um aa * * b ga m a **! * c gaa *! ** m aa d *! * * e u-m aa *! * * f um -gaa *! * 5

  6. Allomorphy selection and reduplication in Muna (22) nasal substitution: * [ P R W D LABIAL / NASAL um-foni I DENT -I [voiced stop] O M AX -IO[u[labial, O NSET [ um -] A LIGN - um -L N O -C ODA I DENT -IO M AX -IO ... -um- ] nasal]] O NSET a F m oni * ** b foni *! ** um oni c *! * * * d f um oni *! * e fon um i *! *** f fo m i *! * ** ** g um foni *! * * (23) blocking: * [ P R W D LABIAL / NASAL um-baru I DENT -I [voiced stop] O M AX -IO[u[labial, O NSET [ um -] A LIGN - um -L N O -C ODA I DENT -IO M AX -IO ... -um- ] nasal]] O NSET F baru a * ** b m aru *! * ** c um aru *! * * * * d ba m u *! * ** ** e b um aru *! * f bar um u *! *** g um baru *! * * 5. um - allomorphy and reduplication combined (24) irrealis and foot-reduplication combined: a. ala ‘take’ m-ala-ala b. solo ‘flow’ sumolo-solo c. gaa ‘marry’ gumaa-gaa d. foni ‘climb’ moni- m oni e. baru ‘be happy’ baru-baru ndiwawa ‘yawn’ ndiwa-ndiwawa (25) D EP -BR: Every segment of the reduplicant has a correspondent in the base. sumolo-solo > sumolo-sumolo : D EP -IO >> D EP -BR sumolo-solo > um-solo-solo: N O -C ODA >> A LIGN - um -L, D EP -BR 6

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