Vowel alternations in Matuuwal Atayal AFLA-27, 20-22 Aug 2020 Andre - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

Vowel alternations in Matu’uwal Atayal AFLA-27, 20-22 Aug 2020 Andre Goderich 郭育賢 Academia Sinica 1

Roadmap 1. Introduction 2. Synchronic vowel alternations 3. Interactions between alternation processes 4. Rule-based analysis 5. Constraint-based analysis 6. Conclusion 2

Introduction

General information • Atayal is an Austronesian language spoken in Northern and Central Taiwan. • Together with Seediq, it forms the Atayalic primary branch of Austronesian (Blust 1999). • Matu’uwal is a dialect of Atayal, belonging to the Northern Atayal branch (Goderich 2020). 3

Consonant inventory of Matu’uwal h [ħ] (Based on Li 1980: 352; Huang 2015: 58; Goderich 2020: 39) y [j] w l, r ŋ n m x p s c [t͡s] g [ɣ] b [β] ʔ q k t 4

Vowel inventory i u (ə) a • Stress is always word-fjnal. • Schwa [ə] cannot appear in word-fjnal (stressed) position. • Hiatuses are allowed only in the head (rightmost) foot. 5

Syncironic vowel alternations

Syncironic vowel alternation processes • Historical schwa alternations • Rhythmic vowel reduction • Hiatus resolution 6

Historical sciwa alternations sukuʔ-un ‘to close’ qalʔ-un q<um>luʔ ‘to harvest’ kalh-un k<um>luh ‘to pray’ hagb-an h<um>gub ‘to collect’ siliʔ-un s<um>liʔ ‘to put’ s<um>kuʔ Pre-/infjxed form ‘to strip of’ haraq-un h<um>raq ‘to force, compel’ qihl-un q<um>ihul ‘to wash (clothes)’ bahq-an ma-bahuq ‘to cook’ tahk-un t<um>ahuk Meaning Suffjxed form 7

Non-alternating vowels Pre-/infjxed form Suffjxed form Meaning t<um>akuʔ takuʔ-un ‘to scoop up’ r<um>aŋaʔ raŋaʔ-un ‘to plead’ ma-puhug puhug-un ‘to break in half’ • Alternating roots contrast with non-alternating ones. 8

Rhythmic vowel reduction səquwing-un ‘to fall asleep’ pakasnguwiʔ-un m-aksinguwiʔ ‘to throw’ paktiʔ-ani si-pakatiʔ ‘to disagree’ ma-siquwing Tie fourth-to-last vowel is reduced if it is in the ‘to like, want’ səʔuwaʔ-an s<um>iʔuwaʔ ‘to stir up trouble’ kənuhu-un k<um>anuhuw stem (Huang 2017). 9

Hiatus resolution m-aiq ‘to dig’ kayʔ-an k<um>aiʔ ‘to rub, wipe’ cawm-an c<um>aum ‘to give’ bayq-an ‘to pour’ Hiatuses are resolved when they are no longer in hiʔ-an h<um>iiʔ ‘to cling to s.o.’ ruʔ-un r<um>uuʔ ‘to speak, say’ kal-an k<um>aal the rightmost foot. 10

Interactions between alternation processes

Hiatus and root-fjnal *ə Rhythmic vowel reduction still applies to roots with a /u~∅/ alternating vowel. m-ayhul pihl-an ‘to tread’ tayhuk tihk-an ‘to arrive’ q<um>aylup qa-qilp-an ‘to sleep’ (f.) c.f. m-aybul — paybul-an ‘to get water’ 11

Hiatus resolution and rhythmic vowel reduction Rhythmic vowel reduction applies in roots with a hiatus. m-ahiiq pəhiq-un ‘to squeeze, pinch’ qilaap qa-qlap-an ‘to sleep’ (m.) m-ahaag ba-bhag-un ‘to chase’ Tiis is an example of counterbleeding opacity. 12

Vowel epenthesis and rhythmic vowel reduction Rhythmic vowel reduction applies to roots with an epenthetic/fortitioned vowel: g<um>ilbak gəlabak-an ‘to tidy up’ s<um>ilngaʔ səlangaʔ-an ‘to hurry’ Tiis could be analysed as a feeding relationship. 13

Geminate avoidance cəʔarx-an ‘to grow (intr.)’ m<in>rakiyas m-ərakiyas ‘to ofger harvest prayers’ m<in>tiqsuʔ pətiqsuʔ ‘to stand’ (m.) c<in>ʔarx-an in this position: m-ənaquuʔ Tiis contrasts with the normal behaviour of vowels ‘to take s.o.’s place’ ʔ<in>anaʔaluʔ m-ənaʔaluʔ ‘to fjnish’ ʔ<in>anaqruʔ m-ənaqruʔ ‘to repair’ ʔ<in>anaquuʔ 14

Rule-based analysis

Rule application ku.m_.luh unassigned V segments. reduction (reduce fourth-to-last) and the deletion of Tie Vowel reduction rule combines both rhythmic vowel kal.hun kum.luh 4. Resyllabifjcation ka.l_.hun 3. Vowel reduction /kVlVh/ + -um- ka.lV.hun ku.mV.luh 2. Feature assignment kV.lV.hun ku.mV.lVh 1. Syllabifjcation /kVlVh/ + -un 15

Rule interaction /bahaag/ + -un 1. Syllabifjcation ba.ha.a.gun 2. Feature assignment — 3. Vowel reduction bə.ha.a.gun 4. Hiatus resolution bə.ha._.gun 5. Resyllabifjcation bə.ha.gun Vowel reduction must precede hiatus resolution (counterbleeding). 16

Difgerent alternations in a single root — bi.qa.ni bay.qan 5. Resyllabifjcation — ba.y.qan 4. Hiatus resolution b_.i.qa.ni 3. Vowel reduction /baiq/ + -an — — 2. Feature assignment ba.i.qa.ni ba.i.qan 1. Syllabifjcation /baiq/ + -ani 17

Problematic cases gə.mi.l_.bak ʔi.na.naq.ruʔ gu.mil.bak Expected: **ʔin.naq.ruʔ **gə.mil.bak 5. Resyllabifjcation — — 4. Hiatus resolution ʔi.n_.na.q_.ruʔ 3. Vowel reduction Conspiracies and surface-oriented restrictions are ʔi.nV.na.qV.ruʔ — 2. Feature assignment ʔi.nV.na.qV.rVʔ gu.mi.lV.bak 1. Syllabifjcation /ʔVnaqVrVʔ/ + -in- /gilVbak/ + -um- without a look-ahead mechanism: diffjcult to model using rule-based approaches 18

Constraint-based analysis

An OT analysis • Does not require featureless vowel segments. • Cannot have a separate underlying rhythmic structure: • Rhythmic vowel reduction is analyzed using surface-oriented constraint interaction. • Cannot deal with true opacity. 19

Vowel epenthesis Vowel epenthesis is analyzed as a mechanism to avoid complex syllable margins: /klh/ + -um- *Complex Dep-V a. kumlh ∗ ! ∗ c. kumuluh ∗∗ ! 20 � b. kumluh

Vowel syncope All syllables are preferably parsed into binary feet, signifjed by PaRse. Tiis takes precedence over vowel faithfulness: /pakatiʔ/ + -ani *Complex PaRse Max-V a. pa.(ka.ti).(ʔa.ni) ∗ ! ∗ c. (pka.ti).(ʔa.ni) ∗ ! ∗ 21 � b. (pak.ti).(ʔa.ni)

Head foot faithfulness Faith-V(HeadFt): input vowels in the head foot must not be syncopated (Max-V(HeadFt)) or epenthesized (Dep-V(HeadFt)) /gilbak/ + -um- Faith-V(HeadFt) PaRse Dep-V ∗ b. (gu.mi)(la.bak) ∗ ! ∗ 22 � a. gu.(mil.bak)

Hiatus resolution OnsetStR ∗ ! c. (cu.mawm) ∗ ! b. (cu.mum) ∗ Faith-V(HeadFt) Hiatuses are only allowed word-fjnally, therefore we need to Onset *Complex /caum/ + -um- • Onset. All unstressed syllables have to have onsets. • OnsetStR. Tie stressed syllable has to have an onset. have separate constraints to account for this distribution: 23 � a. cu.(ma.um)

Geminate avoidance Geminates except /-ww-/ and /-yy-/are avoided in Matu’uwal. Tiis can be modelled using a cover constraint *Geminate: /mnubuwag/ + -in- *Geminate PaRse Dep-V ∗ ∗ b. (min.nu).(bu.wag) ∗ ! 24 � a. mi.(na.nu).(bu.wag)

Opacity Opacity is problematic for classic OT, and is diffjcult to model: Ca- /qilaap/ + -an Onset PaRse Max-V ∗ ! ∗∗ ∗ c. (qaq.la).(a.pan) ∗ ! ∗ 25 � a. qaq.(la.pan) � b. (qa.qi).(la.pan)

Conclusion

Conclusion • Matu’uwal data exhibits both conspiracy and opacity. • Neither a purely rule-based nor a classic OT approach can account for all the phenomena. • A hybrid approach, e.g. Harmonic Serialism, might prove more fruitful. 26

Tiank you

Selected References i Blust, Robert. 1999. Subgrouping, circularity and extinction: Some issues in Austronesian comparative linguistics. In Elizabeth Zeitoun and Paul Jen-kuei Li (eds.), Selected papers from the eighth international conference on Austronesian linguistics , 31–94. Taipei: Academia Sinica. Goderich, Andre. 2020. Atayal phonology, reconstruction, and subgrouping . National Tsing Hua University PhD thesis. Huang, Hui-chuan J. 2015. Syllable types in Bunun, Saisiyat, and Atayal. In Elizabeth Zeitoun, Stacy F. Teng and Joy J. Wu (eds.), New advances in Formosan linguistics , 47–74. Asia-Pacifjc Linguistics. 27

Selected References ii Huang, Hui-chuan J. 2017. Matu’uwal (Mayrinax) Atayal vowel syncope. Poster presented at the 14th Old World Conference on Phonology (OCP-14) in Düsseldorf, February 20–22, 2017. Li, Paul Jen-kuei. 1980. Tie phonological rules of Atayal dialects. Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica 51(2). 349–405. 28