Setting the scene: agreement in Archi Marina Chumakina and Greville - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

Setting the scene: agreement in Archi Marina Chumakina and Greville G. Corbett Surrey Morphology Group The support of the AHRC and of the ERC is gratefully acknowledged

1. Background Caspian Sea • Archi is a Nakh-Daghestanian (North- East Caucasian) language of the Lezgic group • spoken by about 1300 people in the village of Archi in Central Daghestan (Russian Federation) • previous work: – grammar by Kibrik et al. (1977) – Archi dictionary: http://www.smg.surrey.ac.uk/archi/ linguists/ • this project: From competing theories to fieldwork: the challenge of an extreme agreement system (AHRC) http://fahs-wiki.soh.surrey.ac.uk/groups/ fromcompetingtheoriestofieldworkarchi/ Korjakov (2006 : map 10)

2. Agreement in Archi: pervasive and sporadic every part of speech (except nouns) can be an agreement target: nena ‹b› u do ːˤ zu -b χˤ on b- ela ‹b› u (1) 1.PL.INCL.ERG‹III.SG› cow(III)[SG.ABS] III.SG-1PL.INCL.DAT‹III.SG› be.big.ATTR-III.SG dit ː a ‹b› u χ ir a ‹b› u quickly‹III.SG› behind ‹III.SG›make.PFV � We quickly drove the big cow to us (home). � 3 3

Agreement in Archi: pervasive and sporadic A limited number of items can show agreement. But those which can agree (morphologically) must agree. total agreeing % agreeing verbs 1248 399 32.0 adverbs 397 28 7.1 postpositions 34 1 2.9 ! Data from the Archi dictionary, reported in Chumakina & Corbett (2008: 188) 4 4

3. Basics relevant for agreement: morphology • Features: – gender: – I (male human) – II (female human) – III (some animates, all insects, some inanimates) – IV (some animates, some inanimates, abstracts) – number: singular, plural • Exponents: – prefixes – suffixes – infixes [For person see Corbett 2012: 239-251.] 5

Verbal agreement affixes NUMBER GENDER SINGULAR PLURAL I (male human) w-/<w> b-/<b> II (female human) d-/< r > III (some animates, all insects, b-/<b> some inanimates) Ø-/<Ø> IV (some animates, some Ø-/<Ø> inanimates, abstracts) 6

Patterns of syncretism Pattern A Pattern B SG PL SG PL I 1 I 1 3 II 2 II 2 5 III 3 III 3 4 IV 4 IV 4 7

Pattern of syncretism (A) and type of affix Prefixal SG PL I w- b- VERBS, II d- PRONOUNS III b- Pattern A ø IV ø SG PL Infixal II I 1 SG PL 3 II 2 I ‹w› III 3 ADVERBS, ‹b› II ‹r› 4 PRONOUNS, IV 4 III ‹b› EMPHATIC ‹t � › IV ‹t � › Infixal I SG PL I ‹w› ‹b› II ‹r› VERBS, POSTPOSITION III ‹b› Chumakina & Corbett (in print) ‹ø› 8 IV ‹ø›

Pattern of syncretism (B) and type of affix Pattern B Suffixal (only) SG PL SG PL I 1 I -w II 2 II -r ATTRIBUTIVES 5 -ib III 3 III -b IV 4 IV -t 9

4. Basics relevant for agreement: syntax • clause structure • ergativity • word order 10

4.1. Clause structure intransitive: buwa da -q ˤ a (2) II.SG-come.PFV mother(II)[SG.ABS] � Mother came � transitive : buwa-mu no ˤš e ‹b› t’ni (3) mother(II)-SG.ERG horse(III)[SG.ABS] ‹III.SG›.tie.PFV ‘Mother tied the horse.’ verbs of perception, cognition and emotion: laha-s buwa d -ak ː u (4) II.SG-see.PFV child(IV).SG.OBL-DAT mother(II)[SG.ABS] � The child saw mother. � 11

4.2. Ergativity ergative subjects asymmetrically c-command absolutive arguments: Pat’i-mu in ž -a ‹r› u č u č ebo (5) Pati(II)-SG.ERG LOG.SG.ABS-EMPH‹II.SG› wash.PFV ‘Pati washed herself.’ * ž e ‹r› u Pat’i č u č ebo (6) wash.PFV LOG.SG.ERG.EMPH‹II.SG› pati(II)[SG.ABS] *‘Pati washed herself.’ 12

4.3. Word order NP: head final o ˁ ro ˁ s be ːχ u-t ː u mu-t ː u lo (7) be.tall-ATTR.I.SG be.handsome-ATTR.I.SG Russian lad(I)[SG.ABS] � tall handsome Russian guy � VP, clause: basic order is verb-final, but other orders are possible too: zari q � ʷ arbik ɬ ’-mul kunne (8) 1SG.ERG sweet(IV)-PL.ABS [IV.PL]eat.PFV � I ate the sweets. � (Sisters: 81) k ɬ o-qi zari ja-t ː -u (9) this-IV.SG-and [IV.SG]give-FUT 1SG.ERG � I will give (her) that too… � (lit: � Will give I that � ) (Sisters: 58) 13

5. Three interesting targets 5.1. personal pronouns 5.2. postposition 5.3. emphatic 14

SG! PL! ! ! 1!person!! 2!person!! 1!person!! 2!person!! EXCL!! INCL!! ! Personal zon!! nen7t’7u!! ž ʷ en!! ABS ! ! nen7a7w! un!! nen!! nen7a7r7u! pronouns zari!! ž ʷ en!! ERG!! nen7a7b7u! nen7t’7u!etc!! of Archi w7is!!\!!!b7is! ulu! la7w7u! d7is!!!/! d7olo! la7r7u! wit!! wiš!! GEN!! b7is!!!\!!!is! b7olo! la7b7u! is!!!!!!!/! olo!!!!!!!!!!!etc!! la7t’7u!!!!etc! w7ez!\!!!!b7ez! w7el! w7ela7w! d7ez!!/!! d7el! d7ela7r7u! wa7s!! wež!! DAT!! b7ez!!\!!!!ez! b7el! b7ela7b7u! ez!!!!!!/! el!!!!!!!!!!!!!etc! el7t’7u!!!etc! za7 ɬː u!! wa7 ɬː u!! la7 ɬː u!! ž ʷ a7 ɬː u!! COMIT!! za7q ˤ di!! wa7q ˤ di!! la7q ˤ di!! ž ʷ a7q ˤ di!! SIMILAT!! za7χur!! wa7χur!! la7χur!! ž ʷ a7χur!! COMP!! za7k ɬ ’ena!! wa7k ɬ ’ena!! la7k ɬ ’ena!! ž ʷ a7k ɬ ’ena!! SUBST!! za7t!! wa7t!! la7t!! ž ʷ a7t!! SUPERESS!! za7t ː i7š!! wa7t ː i7š!! la7t ː i7š!! ž ʷ a7t ː i7š!! SUPERELAT!! based on Kibrik za7t ː i7k!! wa7t ː i7k!! la7t ː i7k!! ž ʷ a7t ː i7k!! SUPERLAT!! za7t ː i7k ǝ na!! wa7t ː i7k ǝ na!! la7t ː i7k ǝ na!! ž ʷ a7t ː i7k ǝ na!! (1977b: 257-260), SUPERTERM!! za7ra7š!! wa7ra7š!! la7ra7š!! ž ʷ a7ra7š!! CONTELAT!! discussed in Corbett za7ra7k!! wa7ra7k!! la7ra7k!! ž ʷ a7ra7k!! CONTLAT!! za7r7ši!! wa7ra7ši!! la7ra7ši!! ž ʷ a7ra7ši!! (forthcoming) CONTALL!! za7ra7k ǝ na!! wa7ra7k ǝ na!! la7ra7k ǝ na!! ž ʷ a7ra7k ǝ na!! CONTTERM!! ! 15

5.1. Dative pronoun main argument (experiencer): b -is χːˤ ele b -ez e‹ b › χ ni (10) I/II.PL-1SG.GEN guest(I)[PL.ABS] I/II.PL-1SG.DAT ‹I/II.PL›forget.PFV � I forgot my guests. � (almost) obligatory argument (beneficiary) b- el kumak b -a-r- š i e‹ b ›di (11) III.SG-1PL.EXCL.DAT help(III)[SG.ABS] III.SG-do-IPFV-CVB ‹III.SG›be.PST � (He) was helping us � (T31:4) 16

Dative pronoun adjunct: (12) to-r-mi b -ez χˤ o š on a‹ b ›u that-II.SG-ERG III.SG-1SG.DAT dress(III)[SG.ABS] ‹III.SG›make.PFV ‘She made a dress for me.’ complement of postposition: (13) d -ez χ ir d -e‹ r ›q ˁ a-r- š i d -i II.SG-1SG.DAT behind II.SG-‹IPFV›go-IPFV-CVB II.SG-be.PRS ‘(She) follows me (walks after me)’ [male speaking]. 17

5.2. Postposition with intransitive verbs: goro χč i b-aq ˁ a ha ˁ t ə r- č e-q ˁ a-k e ‹b› q’en (14) rolling.stone(III)[SG.ABS] III.SG-come.PFV river(IV)-SG.OBL-INTER-LAT ‹III.SG›up.to � The rolling stone went up to the river. � (The stone is near the river, but dry.) to-r d -aq ˁ a ma ʁ a-k e ‹r› q’en (15) that-II.SG[ABS] II.SG-come.PFV magar-LAT ‹II.SG›up.to � She went up to the village Magar. � 18

Postposition with transitive verbs: zari g ǝ zet o‹ b ›k ɬ ni jar χ ul-ma-k e ‹b› q’en (16) 1SG.ERG newspaper(III)[SG.ABS] ‹III.SG›read.PFV the.middle-IN-LAT ‹III.SG›up.to � I read the newspaper up to the middle. � zari q’onq’ ok ɬ ni (17) 1SG.ERG book(IV)[SG.ABS] [IV.SG]read.PFV ja-b maq’al-li-ra-k eq’en this-III.SG chapter(III)-SG.OBL-CONT-LAT [IV.SG]up.to � I read the book up to this chapter. � 19

Postposition the absolutive controls agreement: (18) b -ez olo du χ riq ˁ ak e ‹b› q’en III.SG-1SG.DAT [IV.SG]1PL.GEN village(IV).SG.INTER-LAT ‹III.SG›up.to zulu b -o χ o spring(III)[SG.ABS] III.SG-find.PFV � I found the spring (somewhere) up to our village. � 20

5.3. Emphatic (19) χːʷ ak ː -e-q ˁ i- š i o‹ r ›ka-na forest(IV)-OBL-INTER-ALL ‹II.SG›take.away.PFV-CVB ʁ anak=ij ‹r› u d -imma‹ d ›aq ːʼ -om čʼ i š up.there = ‹II.SG›EMPH II.SG-‹II.SG›leave.PFV-COND � (I will get better) if you take (your daughter) to the forest and leave (her) there (and nowhere else). � (T6: 16) (20) jamu-t s ː a ʕ al-li-t ː =ij ‹w› u uq ˁ a-li that-IV.SG time(IV)-OBL-SUP = ‹I.SG›EMPH I.SG.go.PFV-EVID ju-w jem-im-me-s χ ir this-I.SG[ABS] that.PL-OBL.PL-DAT behind � ( He) went after them immediately. � (= at that very time) (T26:37) 21

6. Conclusions • agreement is both pervasive and sporadic • its realization is complex (prefixes, suffixes, infixes) • controlled by absolutive argument (irrespective of role) • unusual targets and domains (even here, still sporadic in terms of the lexical items involved) 22