base driven alternation in tgdaya seediq
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Base-driven alternation in Tgdaya Seediq AFLA 27 Jennifer Kuo - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

Base-driven alternation in Tgdaya Seediq AFLA 27 Jennifer Kuo University of California, Los Angeles based ofg a single surface allomorph . Background Quantitative Patterns Modeling Discussion Overview Tgdaya Seediq, where verb paradigms


  1. Base-driven alternation in Tgdaya Seediq AFLA 27 Jennifer Kuo University of California, Los Angeles

  2. based ofg a single surface allomorph . Background Quantitative Patterns Modeling Discussion Overview Tgdaya Seediq, where verb paradigms show extensive alternations, is a good test case for comparing between theories of morphophonology. Evidence from Tgdaya Seediq supports an approach where URs are AFLA 27 1/39

  3. Background Quantitative Patterns Modeling Discussion Overview Tgdaya Seediq, where verb paradigms show extensive alternations, is a good test case for comparing between theories of morphophonology. Evidence from Tgdaya Seediq supports an approach where URs are AFLA 27 1/39 based ofg a single surface allomorph .

  4. Background (/V-stem-C/) AFLA 27 /netale/ ‘lick’ ntale netl /notoxo/ ‘hoe’ ntoxo notx UR gloss (/C-stem-V/) Quantitative Patterns B A Example: Tonkawa (Kenstowicz and Kisseberth, 1977, p.16) multiple forms of the paradigm. processes, the resulting UR must ‘cobble’ information from • When all forms of a paradigm are afgected by neutralizing • URs preserve as many contrastive properties as possible. ‘Cobbled’ URs (Kenstowicz and Kisseberth, 1977) Two approaches to morphophonological analysis Discussion Modeling 2/39

  5. Background ntale AFLA 27 [C-netl-V] Delete V 3 C-netl-V Delete V 2 C-netle-V Rule /C-netale-V/ /netale/ ‘lick’ netl Quantitative Patterns UR gloss (/V-stem-C/) (/C-stem-V/) Example: Tonkawa (Kenstowicz and Kisseberth, 1977, p.16) exceptionless rules/constraints . Result: surface forms are predictable, and derivable from ‘Cobbled’ URs (Kenstowicz and Kisseberth, 1977) Two approaches to morphophonological analysis Discussion Modeling 3/39

  6. Background ntoxo AFLA 27 [o]/__Co notoxo Rules Deriving slot A of paradigm ‘lick’ ntale netl ‘hoe’ notx Quantitative Patterns B A Example: Slot B is chosen as base • input for morphophonology. to be a ‘privileged base’. • learners designate one slot ( surface allomorph) in the paradigm Single surface base hypothesis (Albright, 2002b, et seq.) Two approaches to morphophonological analysis Discussion Modeling 4/39

  7. Background notx AFLA 27 notoxo Rules Deriving slot A of paradigm ‘lick’ ntale netl ‘hoe’ Quantitative Patterns ntoxo B A Example: Slot B is chosen as base • input for morphophonology. to be a ‘privileged base’. • learners designate one slot ( surface allomorph) in the paradigm Single surface base hypothesis (Albright, 2002b, et seq.) Two approaches to morphophonological analysis Discussion Modeling 4/39 [ntoxo] ∅ → [o]/__Co [notoxo]

  8. Background Quantitative Patterns Modeling Discussion Two approaches to morphophonological analysis Single surface base hypothesis (Albright, 2002b, et seq.) • If all forms of a paradigm have undergone some neutralization, no base will work perfectly. • rules/constraints will have exceptions. • However, growing body of evidence from: • Historical change; e.g. Yiddish, Lakhota (Albright, 2010, 2002a) • Child learning errors; e.g. Korean (Kang, 2006) AFLA 27 5/39

  9. Background Quantitative Patterns Modeling Discussion Two approaches to morphophonological analysis Single surface base hypothesis (Albright, 2002b, et seq.) • If all forms of a paradigm have undergone some neutralization, no base will work perfectly. • rules/constraints will have exceptions. • However, growing body of evidence from: • Historical change; e.g. Yiddish, Lakhota (Albright, 2010, 2002a) • Child learning errors; e.g. Korean (Kang, 2006) AFLA 27 5/39

  10. • Tgdaya Seediq ( 德固達雅 ): Background • Number of fluent speakers is thought AFLA 27 of morphophonology. case for comparing the two theories good test from loss of contrasts All forms of a verb paradigm sufger to be much fewer. 2500 (Tsukida, 2005) Quantitative Patterns • population • spoken primarily in Nantou spoken in Taiwan. • Seediq is an Atayalic language, Overview: Tgdaya Seediq Discussion Modeling 6/39

  11. Background • Number of fluent speakers is thought AFLA 27 of morphophonology. case for comparing the two theories good test from loss of contrasts All forms of a verb paradigm sufger to be much fewer. 6/39 Quantitative Patterns • spoken primarily in Nantou spoken in Taiwan. • Seediq is an Atayalic language, Overview: Tgdaya Seediq Discussion Modeling • Tgdaya Seediq ( 德固達雅 ): • population ∼ 2500 (Tsukida, 2005)

  12. Background Quantitative Patterns AFLA 27 of morphophonology. case for comparing the two theories All forms of a verb paradigm sufger to be much fewer. • Number of fluent speakers is thought 6/39 • spoken primarily in Nantou spoken in Taiwan. • Seediq is an Atayalic language, Overview: Tgdaya Seediq Discussion Modeling • Tgdaya Seediq ( 德固達雅 ): • population ∼ 2500 (Tsukida, 2005) from loss of contrasts ⇒ good test

  13. Examples will compare bare stem vs. /-an/-suffjxed forms Background s- AFLA 27 verb paradigms Significant alternations between suffjxed and non-suffjxed forms of -i imp RED-un RED-an mu(pu)- fut Quantitative Patterns pret -un -an pres instr. foc pat. foc loc. foc actor foc Verb inflection (Holmer, 1996). Overview: Seediq morphophonology (Yang, 1976) Discussion Modeling 7/39 < m > /mu- < mun > < n > -an < un >

  14. Background s- AFLA 27 verb paradigms Significant alternations between suffjxed and non-suffjxed forms of -i imp RED-un RED-an mu(pu)- fut Quantitative Patterns pret -un loc. foc Modeling Discussion Overview: Seediq morphophonology (Yang, 1976) Verb inflection (Holmer, 1996). actor foc pat. foc -an instr. foc pres 7/39 < m > /mu- < mun > < n > -an < un > Examples will compare bare stem vs. /-an/-suffjxed forms

  15. Background Quantitative Patterns Modeling Discussion Sources of morphophonological alternation Pretonic vowel reduction (VR) Post-tonic VR Consonant neutralization Word-final monophthongization AFLA 27 8/39

  16. Background Quantitative Patterns Modeling Discussion Sources of morphophonological alternation Pretonic vowel reduction (VR) Post-tonic VR Consonant neutralization Word-final monophthongization AFLA 27 8/39

  17. Background a. AFLA 27 suffjxed forms. Loss of contrasts in ‘decrease’ c. ‘rare’ b. ‘tell someone’ a. 3. Vowel reduction to [u] (201/201) ‘sew’ b. ‘hide (an object)’ (35/35) Quantitative Patterns or 2. Assimilation to stressed vowel if separated by ‘come’ b. ‘lead (by a leash) a. 1. Onsetless vowels delete (36/36) Stress is penultimate; suffjxation shiħts stress rightwards. Five vowels /a i e o u/ Pretonic vowel reduction (VR) Discussion Modeling 9/39 Pretonically, all vowel contrasts are neutralized...

  18. Background (35/35) AFLA 27 suffjxed forms. Loss of contrasts in ‘decrease’ c. ‘rare’ b. ‘tell someone’ a. 3. Vowel reduction to [u] (201/201) ‘sew’ b. ‘hide (an object)’ a. or Quantitative Patterns 2. Assimilation to stressed vowel if separated by ‘come’ b. ‘lead (by a leash) a. 1. Onsetless vowels delete (36/36) Stress is penultimate; suffjxation shiħts stress rightwards. Five vowels /a i e o u/ Pretonic vowel reduction (VR) Discussion Modeling 9/39 Pretonically, all vowel contrasts are neutralized... " a wak ∼ "wak-an " e yah ∼ "yah-an

  19. Background Quantitative Patterns AFLA 27 suffjxed forms. Loss of contrasts in ‘decrease’ c. ‘rare’ b. ‘tell someone’ a. 3. Vowel reduction to [u] (201/201) ‘sew’ b. ‘hide (an object)’ a. 9/39 2. Assimilation to stressed vowel if separated by Modeling Discussion Pretonic vowel reduction (VR) Five vowels /a i e o u/ Stress is penultimate; suffjxation shiħts stress rightwards. 1. Onsetless vowels delete (36/36) a. ‘lead (by a leash) b. ‘come’ Pretonically, all vowel contrasts are neutralized... " a wak ∼ "wak-an " e yah ∼ "yah-an [P] or [h] (35/35) "l e PiN ∼ l i "PiN-an "s a Pis ∼ s i "Pis-an

  20. Background a. AFLA 27 suffjxed forms. Loss of contrasts in ‘decrease’ c. ‘rare’ b. ‘tell someone’ a. 3. Vowel reduction to [u] (201/201) ‘sew’ b. Quantitative Patterns ‘hide (an object)’ 9/39 a. Modeling Discussion Pretonic vowel reduction (VR) Five vowels /a i e o u/ Stress is penultimate; suffjxation shiħts stress rightwards. 2. Assimilation to stressed vowel if separated by 1. Onsetless vowels delete (36/36) ‘lead (by a leash) b. ‘come’ Pretonically, all vowel contrasts are neutralized... " a wak ∼ "wak-an " e yah ∼ "yah-an [P] or [h] (35/35) "l e PiN ∼ l i "PiN-an "s a Pis ∼ s i "Pis-an "k e sa ∼ k u "sa-an "b a rah ∼ b u "rah-an "b i > tsiq ∼ b u "> tsiq-an

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