Introduction The de-standardization of family life across Western - PDF document

Being born to a single mother in France: trajectories of father’s involvement over the first year of life Marieke Heers (University of Lausanne), Ariane Pailhé (Ined), Lidia Panico (Ined) Draft prepared for the IUSSP 2017 conference, do not circulate Introduction The de-standardization of family life across Western countries has given rise to a variety of non- traditional family structures and trajectories. As a result, more children now live in a single parent household, usually with their mother. Most of the literature and public policy treats single parenthood as a consequence of a separation or divorce after the child’s birth, however there has been an increasing interest in p a rents who are not living together at the birth of the child (Kiernan 2006). Single parenthood and non-residential fatherhood have received a significant interest among policy makers and researchers as it appears to be linked to poorer outcomes for mothers and children (Amato and Keith 1991; Amato, 2001, 2005; Lacey et al., 2012); much of this effect appears to be due to the strong correlation between single parenthood and more disadvantaged socio economic conditions, but also with availability of parental and wider network resources (REF). While this literature focuses on the characteristics and behaviors of the single parent (usually the mother) co- residing with the child, a growing literature describes non-residential fathers as important actors of future child well-being, highlighting the importance of their involvement (Lamb, 2004; Tamis- LeMonda and Cabrera, 2002). Separated fathers frequently lose touch with their children; higher parental incomes, stable occupational statuses, and higher educational qualifications predict maintaining contact, at least when older children are concerned (Regnier-Loilier, 2013). However, studies on non-residential father involvement look at children who have experienced parental separation, and have therefore lived with both their parents at some point in their lives. Yet the nature and degree of non-resident father involvement, and the predictors of this involvement, may differ if the child has never lived with their father and/or he was not involved around birth (Kiernan, 2006).

Intrinsic in this literature is an assumption that single parenthood always equates with disadvantage. This assumption may be driven by the British and US experience, where single parenthood is associated with high levels of social and economic disadvantage (Panico et al., 2010; McLanahan and Carlson, 2004). We know less about the interplay between socio-economic conditions, non- residential fatherhood, and father contact in contexts where such disadvantage might be less marked. Furthermore, while single parent households are over-represented among the most disadvantaged households, including in France (Bourreau-Dubois and Jeandidier, 2005), looking at averages allows potentially hiding a heterogeneity of situations, and pushing forward a uniform stereotype of single parent families. In this paper, we use a recent, nationally representative cohort study of children born in France in 2011 to better characterise families where the father is not living (or not living permanently) with the cohort child from birth, and to describe father involvement and contact around birth. We use latent clustering techniques to identify different groups of households characterised by non-residential fatherhood from birth, allowing us to not impose an a priori classification. We then use prospective longitudinal data to explore whether these classifications built using characteristics relating to the birth and shortly thereafter predict the evolution of contact with the non-resident father one year after birth, and explore which mechanisms may underlie these associations. Literature review The determinants and consequences of father involvement The increase in non-martial cohabitation, out-of wedlock births, and separations has put a focus on family processes and how they have changed in tandem with these significant societal trends. The literature has particularly looked at the impact of father absence on child outcomes (Amato refs), although without exploring in detail characteristics relating to the fathers, who are usually the non- resident parent and often ignored in surveys. Another strand of literature has looked at changing gender roles and the division of tasks within couples. The focus has mostly been on domestic and housework tasks, and less on childcare tasks (Gonzalez et al., 2010). However, the time that parents devote to children is important for children’s development, health and their safety (Crockenberg and Leerkes, 2000; Hofferth, 2006; Hofferth an Anderson; 2003). Fathers and their involvement in

children's lives are important in this respect (Marsiglio et al., 2000; Aldous & Mulligan; 2002), but less explored. Across two primary dimensions of direct father involvement (frequency of positive engagement activities and aspects of parenting quality) and five dimensions of children’s early learning (representing social and cognitive domains), findings revealed small but significant associations (REF?). Understanding the determinants of father involvement, particularly when he no longer or has never co-resided with his child is therefore important. The available literature suggests that fathers who co- reside with their children and fathers who are older are more involved with their children (Castillo, Welch and Sarver, 2011; McWayne et al, 2013). Fathers’ working hours are not strongly related to father involvement (McGill, 2014), and income was also less important than residential status and racial identity of fathers (McWayne et al. 2013). Taking four or more weeks of paternity leave did not predict higher levels of involvement in an Australian study, and any leave taking was associated with a higher chance of solo father care at the weekend but not during the week (Hosking et al. 2010). His educational levels however do correlate with fathers’ taking part in parenting activities, particularly activities that are important for child development (for example, for children aged 3 to 5, fathers’ education was correlated to his engagement in reading and other cognitively stimulating activities, Grarcia, 2014). Furthermore, determinants of father involvement appear to not only be associated with fathers ’ characteristics, but also how these characteristics interact with the couple and family contexts. For example, father – child attachment was more closely linked to couple and family contextual variables, while mother – child attachment was more closely linked to mother involvement (Coyl-Shepherd and Newland, 2013). The rise of m en’s involvement with their children, in addition to their traditional role as financial provider, has given rise to so-called “new fathers” , who are expected to be more equal partners in parenting, and performing both interactive and physical caregiving. The roles of provider and involved father may conflict (McGill 2014). In France, the double-role of “ new fathers ” appears to still not be a significant phenomenon: traditional, gendered conceptions of different tasks still play an important role, despite an increase in equality in the workplace. In particular, regular, time- consuming tasks continue to be seen as the preserve of women, while tasks involving children’s hobbies and other social activities see a more mixed participation of the two parents. Father involvement is mostly linked to household ’s and couple’s characteristics such as their socio - economic profiles, their social and gender values, the mother’s working hours (most influential factor for changing patterns); the number, age and sex of children (Brugeilles & Sebille, 2013)