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Parsing with Dynamic Continuized CCG Michael White, a Simon Charlow, b Jordan Needle, a Dylan Bumford c 46 September 2017, TAG+13 a Department of Linguistics, The Ohio State University b Department of Linguistics, Rutgers University c Department

  1. Parsing with Dynamic Continuized CCG Michael White, a Simon Charlow, b Jordan Needle, a Dylan Bumford c 4–6 September 2017, TAG+13 a Department of Linguistics, The Ohio State University b Department of Linguistics, Rutgers University c Department of Linguistics, UCLA 1

  2. Joint work with Simon Jordan Dylan Charlow Needle Bumford 2

  3. Introduction

  4. A breakthrough in semantic theory Indefinites not bothered by scope islands Example • if < a relative of mine dies > , I’ll inherit a fortune ( ∃ > if ) 3

  5. A breakthrough in semantic theory Indefinites not bothered by scope islands Example • if < a relative of mine dies > , I’ll inherit a fortune ( ∃ > if ) i.e., ∃ x . relative ( x , me ) ∧ [ dies ( x ) → fortune ( me )] 3

  6. A breakthrough in semantic theory Indefinites not bothered by scope islands Example • if < a relative of mine dies > , I’ll inherit a fortune ( ∃ > if ) i.e., ∃ x . relative ( x , me ) ∧ [ dies ( x ) → fortune ( me )] • if < every relative of mine dies > , I’ll . . . a fortune (* ∀ > if ) 3

  7. A breakthrough in semantic theory Indefinites not bothered by scope islands Example • if < a relative of mine dies > , I’ll inherit a fortune ( ∃ > if ) i.e., ∃ x . relative ( x , me ) ∧ [ dies ( x ) → fortune ( me )] • if < every relative of mine dies > , I’ll . . . a fortune (* ∀ > if ) i.e., * ∀ x . relative ( x , me ) → [ dies ( x ) → fortune ( me )] 3

  8. A breakthrough in semantic theory Indefinites not bothered by scope islands Example • if < a relative of mine dies > , I’ll inherit a fortune ( ∃ > if ) i.e., ∃ x . relative ( x , me ) ∧ [ dies ( x ) → fortune ( me )] • if < every relative of mine dies > , I’ll . . . a fortune (* ∀ > if ) i.e., * ∀ x . relative ( x , me ) → [ dies ( x ) → fortune ( me )] ⇒ Explanation in terms of indefinites’ discourse function a long expected result 3

  9. A breakthrough in semantic theory Indefinites not bothered by scope islands Example • if < a relative of mine dies > , I’ll inherit a fortune ( ∃ > if ) i.e., ∃ x . relative ( x , me ) ∧ [ dies ( x ) → fortune ( me )] • if < every relative of mine dies > , I’ll . . . a fortune (* ∀ > if ) i.e., * ∀ x . relative ( x , me ) → [ dies ( x ) → fortune ( me )] ⇒ Explanation in terms of indefinites’ discourse function a long expected result — arguably, Charlow (2014) first to show this satisfactorily! 3

  10. A breakthrough in semantic theory Indefinites not bothered by scope islands Example • if < a relative of mine dies > , I’ll inherit a fortune ( ∃ > if ) i.e., ∃ x . relative ( x , me ) ∧ [ dies ( x ) → fortune ( me )] • if < every relative of mine dies > , I’ll . . . a fortune (* ∀ > if ) i.e., * ∀ x . relative ( x , me ) → [ dies ( x ) → fortune ( me )] ⇒ Explanation in terms of indefinites’ discourse function a long expected result — arguably, Charlow (2014) first to show this satisfactorily! ⇒ Can Charlow’s approach be made to work computationally? 3

  11. Implementing DyC 3 G Combinatory Categorial Grammar (CCG; Steedman 2000, 2012) • Constrained grammar formalism with linguistically motivated treatment of long-distance dependencies and coordination • Basis for fast & accurate parsers (Hockenmaier & Steedman 2007, Clark & Curran 2007, Lee et al. 2016, . . . ) 4

  12. Implementing DyC 3 G Combinatory Categorial Grammar (CCG; Steedman 2000, 2012) • Constrained grammar formalism with linguistically motivated treatment of long-distance dependencies and coordination • Basis for fast & accurate parsers (Hockenmaier & Steedman 2007, Clark & Curran 2007, Lee et al. 2016, . . . ) Continuized CCG (Barker & Shan 2002, 2008, 2015) • Quantifiers are functions on their own continuations • Order-sensitive phenomena as linguistic side effects 4

  13. Implementing DyC 3 G Combinatory Categorial Grammar (CCG; Steedman 2000, 2012) • Constrained grammar formalism with linguistically motivated treatment of long-distance dependencies and coordination • Basis for fast & accurate parsers (Hockenmaier & Steedman 2007, Clark & Curran 2007, Lee et al. 2016, . . . ) Continuized CCG (Barker & Shan 2002, 2008, 2015) • Quantifiers are functions on their own continuations • Order-sensitive phenomena as linguistic side effects Dynamic Continuized CCG (Charlow 2014) • Explains exceptional scope of indefinites by treating them as side effects in continuized grammars 4

  14. Why should we care about the scope of indefinites? As Steedman (2012) observes, computationally implemented approaches to scope taking from Cooper storage (Cooper 1983) to underspecification (e.g. Copestake et al. 2005) and more have not distinguished indefinites from true quantifiers 5

  15. Why should we care about the scope of indefinites? As Steedman (2012) observes, computationally implemented approaches to scope taking from Cooper storage (Cooper 1983) to underspecification (e.g. Copestake et al. 2005) and more have not distinguished indefinites from true quantifiers — typically resulting in vast overgeneration 5

  16. Why should we care about the scope of indefinites? As Steedman (2012) observes, computationally implemented approaches to scope taking from Cooper storage (Cooper 1983) to underspecification (e.g. Copestake et al. 2005) and more have not distinguished indefinites from true quantifiers — typically resulting in vast overgeneration While the scope possibilities for indefinites appear to be unconstrained in general, true quantifiers appear to have a much more limited distribution subject to constraints imposed by scope islands 5

  17. Why should we care about the scope of indefinites? As Steedman (2012) observes, computationally implemented approaches to scope taking from Cooper storage (Cooper 1983) to underspecification (e.g. Copestake et al. 2005) and more have not distinguished indefinites from true quantifiers — typically resulting in vast overgeneration While the scope possibilities for indefinites appear to be unconstrained in general, true quantifiers appear to have a much more limited distribution subject to constraints imposed by scope islands — which is not accounted for even in implementations of DRT (Bos 2003) 5

  18. Ok — but what about Steedman’s (2012) analysis? Steedman (2012) accounts for indefinites’ exceptional scope taking by treating them as underspecified Skolem terms in a non-standard static semantics, rather than deriving this behavior from their discourse function 6

  19. Ok — but what about Steedman’s (2012) analysis? Steedman (2012) accounts for indefinites’ exceptional scope taking by treating them as underspecified Skolem terms in a non-standard static semantics, rather than deriving this behavior from their discourse function . . . while true quantifiers are restricted by CCG’s surface compositional combinatorics 6

  20. Ok — but what about Steedman’s (2012) analysis? Steedman (2012) accounts for indefinites’ exceptional scope taking by treating them as underspecified Skolem terms in a non-standard static semantics, rather than deriving this behavior from their discourse function . . . while true quantifiers are restricted by CCG’s surface compositional combinatorics — but does this suffice empirically? 6

  21. Potential issues for Steedman’s CCG Steedman’s CCG can’t account for quantifiers taking scope from medial positions (Barker & Shan, 2015) 7

  22. Potential issues for Steedman’s CCG Steedman’s CCG can’t account for quantifiers taking scope from medial positions (Barker & Shan, 2015) Linear order constraints on where negative polarity items may appear also apparently an issue 7

  23. Potential issues for Steedman’s CCG Steedman’s CCG can’t account for quantifiers taking scope from medial positions (Barker & Shan, 2015) Linear order constraints on where negative polarity items may appear also apparently an issue ⇒ Barker & Shan’s continuized grammars generalize Hendrik’s (1993) approach to scope taking while also enabling order-sensitive analyses 7

  24. This paper’s contribution Open source reference implementation 1 of a shift-reduce parser that 1. extends Barker and Shan (2014) to only invoke Charlow’s (2014) monadic lifting and lowering where necessary 2. integrates Steedman’s (2000) CCG for deriving basic predicate-argument structure and enriches it with a practical method of lexicalizing scope island constraints (Barker & Shan 2006) 3. takes advantage of the resulting scope islands in defining novel normal form constraints for efficient parsing 1 https://github.com/mwhite14850/dyc3g 8

  25. This paper’s contribution Open source reference implementation 1 of a shift-reduce parser that 1. extends Barker and Shan (2014) to only invoke Charlow’s (2014) monadic lifting and lowering where necessary 2. integrates Steedman’s (2000) CCG for deriving basic predicate-argument structure and enriches it with a practical method of lexicalizing scope island constraints (Barker & Shan 2006) 3. takes advantage of the resulting scope islands in defining novel normal form constraints for efficient parsing 1 https://github.com/mwhite14850/dyc3g 8

  26. Continuized CCG

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