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Morphology and Phonology in Karimojong Verbal Affixation Multiple Interfaces within an Amphichronic Model Diane Lesley-Neuman Linguistics Program Michigan State University 1/17/2009 Network Core Mechanisms of 1 Exponence IV


  1. Morphology and Phonology in Karimojong Verbal Affixation Multiple Interfaces within an Amphichronic Model Diane Lesley-Neuman Linguistics Program Michigan State University 1/17/2009 Network Core Mechanisms of 1 Exponence IV

  2. Preliminaries… • VSO Language • Nilo-Saharan, Eastern Nilotic • Eastern/northeastern Uganda • Karimoja province, Moroto District • 85% lexical similarity with Turkana Data mainly from Novelli (1985, 1987), but also informed by Bertinazzo (1982), Mantovani (1963). 1/17/2009 Network Core Mechanisms of 2 Exponence IV

  3. Inflection and Derivation INFL DER ROOT DER DER INFL  zi lip n - kin - ete - - - 3p- CAUS - pray – FREQ – DAT - FUT ‘They will cause to pray frequently for’ 1/17/2009 Network Core Mechanisms of 3 Exponence IV

  4. ATR Harmony & Diachronic Change Exist in a reciprocal relationship: • Sound change, vowel mergers and grammaticalization processes create new affixes and harmony processes, and define MP levels. • Harmony processes provide an evidence trail of affix incorporation and other grammaticalization processes. (Lesley-Neuman, 2007a,b) 1/17/2009 Network Core Mechanisms of 4 Exponence IV

  5. Part I: ATR Harmony Patterns and the Model of the Morphology- Phonology Interface Part II: Morphological Structure and Diachronic Evolution. 1/17/2009 Network Core Mechanisms of 5 Exponence IV

  6. PART I ATR Harmony Patterns and the Model of the Morphology- Phonology Interface 1/17/2009 Network Core Mechanisms of 6 Exponence IV

  7. Overview I The model of the morphology-phonology interface accounts for: • Surface ATR Specifications • Phonetic Effects • Diachronic Evolution 1/17/2009 Network Core Mechanisms of 7 Exponence IV

  8. Harmonic Vowels (Voiced) [+ATR] [-ATR] i u   e o   (  ) 1  1Ultrasound research (Archangeli, 2003; Gick, Pulleyblank, Mutaka & Campbell, 2006; Benus & Gafos, 2007) indicates that vowels heretofore thought to be transparent actually advance phonetically in [+ATR] environments . 1/17/2009 Network Core Mechanisms of 8 Exponence IV

  9. Vowels a,  ,  [Based on Dimmendaal, 2002; Hall & Creider 1998, Vossen (1982), Novelli, (1985)]. [+ATR] vowel [a] found in old basic vocabulary. • Disappearing, not part of 9-vowel harmony system, due to vowel mergers with [  ], [o] and [  ]. • Proposed to be re-emerging in [+ATR] environments, marked as [  ], due to the realities of co-articulation. Whether [a] is the same as [  ] should be subject to further research. 1/17/2009 Network Core Mechanisms of 9 Exponence IV

  10. ATR Harmony [-ATR] [+ATR] a. k  ́ d   ‘to pinch’ e. k i d o  ‘to castrate’ b. k  ́ b  k ‘to swing south’ f. k i j u k ‘to smear’ c. k  n  k ‘to light fire’ g. k i  n ó k ‘to go near’ d. k  b  ‘to agree h. k i b e l e ‘to change (Novelli, 1985: 227) 1/17/2009 Network Core Mechanisms of 10 Exponence IV

  11. M-Structure and P-Structure • M-Structure created simultaneously with prosodification algorithms. • M-structure and prosodic structure are available to phonological rules. • M-Structure consists of: 1. The morpheme /phoneme string 2. A meaning, headmarking 3. Encoding of morphophonological level. • Headmarking determines P-Structure. Van der Hulst & van de Weijer (1995); Van der Hulst & Dresher,(1998); Rood (personal communication) 1/17/2009 Network Core Mechanisms of 11 Exponence IV

  12. P-Structure and Harmony /i-/ + /- d -/ + /A r / + /jAtA/ → PW h PW [-ATR] h8 0 � � � � h h h h8 i - d - r - jt 2p -pinch - IT- B.IND.PASS. PST.PROG.2p ‘You were being pinched (away)’ (Novelli, 1985:293) 1/17/2009 Network Core Mechanisms of 12 Exponence IV

  13. P-Structure and Harmony (cont’d) /iki-/ + /- d -/ + /-A r -/ + /-tAe/ → PW h PW [-ATR] h8 0 � � � � 3h h h h iki - d - r -(i  ) t e 2p- pinch-IT- A.IND.PASS.PRS.PRF.2p ‘You have been pinched (away)’ (Novelli, 1985:294) 1/17/2009 Network Core Mechanisms of 13 Exponence IV

  14. Processes Affecting ATR Specification • 3 ATR Harmony Processes with established domains • Two adjacency effects 1/17/2009 Network Core Mechanisms of 14 Exponence IV

  15. Harmony Process 1: Bi-directional Root Control [-ATR] [+ATR] a. k  -t  -m  k  -  n-  kin c. k i - z i - d o  - o n - o kin INF-CAUS - handle firmly -FREQ–DAT INF-CAUS- castrate-FREQ–DAT ‘to frequently cause to handle ‘to cause to castrate (for)’ firmly (for) b. k  - t  m  t  m  -  n d. k i - r i m i r i m i - u n INF -pierce repeatedly –VEN INF -go around repeatedly -VEN ‘to pierce repeatedly (this way)’ ‘to go around repeatedly (this way)’ 1/17/2009 Network Core Mechanisms of 15 Exponence IV

  16. Harmony Process 2: [-ATR] Suffix Control ‘castrate’ ‘produce child’ ki - do ki - do INF ki - doon ki - do - on FREQ k - d - r kd - r ITIVE FREQ + kidnr kdnr ITIVE kido - okin kido -( o ) kin DATIVE 1/17/2009 Network Core Mechanisms of 16 Exponence IV

  17. Bi-directionality of [-ATR] Suffix- Controlled Spreading (Form B)  -d oo d o -  -  r -j  a. ‘… I (will) repeatedly castrate.’ b. k  i  -d oo d o -  -  r - j  ‘…that he will repeatedly castrate i  -d oo d o -  -  r - j  t  c. ‘…they (will) repeatedly castrate’ 1/17/2009 Network Core Mechanisms of 17 Exponence IV

  18. Consonant-Generated [-ATR] Feature • Tongue retraction in anticipatory co-articulation in V + [ r ] sequence (Recasens & Espinosa, 2002) produces vowel [  ] in [  / o ] suffixes. • Adjacency effect is proposed to be phonologized to produce a spreading domain of a maximum of 2 syllables in each direction—within Novelli data. • The [  / o ] suffixes and this alternation are part of diachronic process of mergers between [a] and [  ], [a] and [o], and [a] and [  ]. (Dimmendaal, 2002) 1/17/2009 Network Core Mechanisms of 18 Exponence IV

  19. Harmony Process 3: [+ATR] Suffix Control  k   -t   - d   k – ‘to cause to be good’  - t o - d o k - i b. i - t o - d o k - e t e a. 1s-CAUS-be good-IND.ACT.PST.PROG. 2p-CAUS-be good-ACT.PST.PROG. A.1s A.2p ‘I was causing to be good.’ ‘You were causing to be good.’ c.  k  - t o - d o k - jo  d.  k  - t o - d o k - e t ei 1s-CAUS-be good-IND.PASS. 1s-CAUS-be good - NARR.PASS. PST.PROG. A.1s PST.PROG.A.1s ‘I was being caused to be good.’ ‘…and I was being caused to be good.’ (Novelli, 1985: 89,91) 1/17/2009 Network Core Mechanisms of 19 Exponence IV

  20. Voiced C, [+hi] /[+ATR] Adjacency Effect • (Keating & Westbury, 1983)-Effort to continue voicing produces a [+ATR] feature. Tongue root is advanced to expand the supraglottal cavity to decrease pressure and maintain vocal fold vibration. • In Karimojong, it occurs when high vowels follow a voiced consonant—high vowels have a smaller cavity space, thereby leading the speaker to compensate by advancing the tongue root. 1/17/2009 Network Core Mechanisms of 20 Exponence IV

  21. Adjacency Effects (cont’d) Infinitive Pos. 5 Pos. 10 Gloss a. kd d u  nu n dd  n ‘pinch’ b. ksb ks bunu n ksbs b n ‘create’ c. ktm kt munu n ktmt m n ‘pierce ’ (Novelli, 1985: 222-223) 1/17/2009 Network Core Mechanisms of 21 Exponence IV

  22. Dominance of Consonant Voicing/[+ATR,hi] Adjacency Effect a. ki - u - r b. ki - u - n - r INF-sniff- IT INF-sniff-FREQ-IT ‘to sniff away’ ‘to sniff away frequently’ c. ki - ui - u - u - r INF-sniff repeatedly-IT ‘to sniff away repeatedly ’ (Novelli, 1985: 234) 1/17/2009 Network Core Mechanisms of 22 Exponence IV

  23. Adjacency Effects : ATR Dissimilation Effect a. kd  + n + r →  - d o - n - r INF-snap one’s fingers-FREQ-IT ‘ to frequently snap one’s fingers (away)’ b. kb  + n + r → b u - n - r INF-return-FREQ-IT ‘to return frequently (away)’ 1/17/2009 Network Core Mechanisms of 23 Exponence IV

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