joan beal ranjan sen palatalisation in 18th cent english
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Joan Beal & Ranjan Sen, Palatalisation in 18th-cent. English The eighteenth century Five times as many works produced no writers to on elocution were compare either with the published between 1760 spelling reformers who are


  1. Joan Beal & Ranjan Sen, Palatalisation in 18th-cent. English  ‘The eighteenth century  ‘Five times as many works produced no writers to on elocution were compare either with the published between 1760 spelling reformers who are and 1800 than prior to 1760’ our main source up to (Benzie 1972: 52) 1644… or with the  Pronouncing Dictionaries, phoneticians who… carry e.g. Walker (1791) us on from 1653… to 1687’  Orthoepistic works Joan C. Beal & Ranjan Sen (spelling books, works on (Dobson 1957: 311) spelling reform), e.g. University of Sheffield Elphinston (1786/7, 1790) 9th Studies in the History of the English Language Conference (SHEL-9)  REALLY?  Elocution manuals, e.g. UBC, Vancouver, 5-7 June 2015 Sheridan (1762)  Grammars, e.g. Ward (1765)  Project website: http://hridigital.shef.ac.uk/eighteenth-century- english-phonology  Aims and scope  Resource to investigate the social, geographical, chronological, phonological, and lexical distribution of variants in 18C English  Team  Joan C. Beal, Ranjan Sen, Nuria Yáñez-Bouza, Christine Wallis, Technical support: Sheffield HRI  Data  Wells’ (1982) lexical sets for vocalic variation and supplementary sets for consonant variation e.g. DEUCE set, WHALE set  Metadata on authors (e.g. dates, place, social class) and works (e.g. year, place, type, audience) 3 SHEL9, Vancouver, 5-7 June 2015 1

  2. Joan Beal & Ranjan Sen, Palatalisation in 18th-cent. English Postalveolar affricate/fricat ive arising from:  Minkova (2014: 141-5) on palatalisations  Evidence for it in /sj/ from the 13 th cent. /t d s z/ + /j/  But in /tj dj/ only from 16 th or 17 th cents + /u ː /  Interestingly, from /di/, e.g. soldier , rather than /dju ː / We leave aside palatalisation in /t d s z + i e/  Sound change well underway by start of 18 th cent. via glide- formation, e.g. soldier DEUCE set = no following /r/ SURE/FEATURE sets = with following /r/  Less common  more common  less common  1750-1775: only /s z/, only before /r/  Except Perry (t)issue  Sheridan (1780; late in career) the arch-palataliser  Kenrick (1773: 32):  Walker (1791): predictable, ‘rule’-based  Even less in Jones’ (1797 and 1798) Sheridan Improved  Fascinating changes from more palatalising 2 nd ed. to less 3 rd ed.  Reconstructed picture of first half of 18 th cent.  Yod-dropping in unstressed syllables before /r/  Variable palatalisation, mainly (i) in unstressed syllables, (ii) in /s/, (iv) before /r/ SHEL9, Vancouver, 5-7 June 2015 2

  3. Joan Beal & Ranjan Sen, Palatalisation in 18th-cent. English  Data  Came to be stigmatised over the century  Stressed: /s/ before /r/: sure and related words  Sheridan repeatedly singled out for criticism on  Pre-stress: derived alternation in /t s/: maturátion , tutórial precisely this issue, e.g. Anonymous ‘A Caution’  Post-stress: fricatives, and /t d/ only before hiatus or /r/  Principles Nature, torture,  376, 450, 459-64: /t d s z/ when ‘after the accent’ palatalised tortuous, saturate, before i/e -initial diphthongs, ‘where it must be remembered censure, super, that u is a diphthong’ (approving of Sheridan’s nature ) sumptuously,  376: ‘ Duke and reduce , pronounced juke and re-juce , where the suture accent is after the d , cannot be too much reprobated’ But palatalisation not one of the  454-5: súre, súgar are the only permitted exceptions to this ‘Irish’ features represented in 19th- ‘analogy (= rule) due to ‘custom’ century literature (Hickey 2012)  ‘a want of attending to this analogy has betrayed Mr. Sheridan into a series of mistakes’ in suicide, presume, resume ; ‘it may be asked why ‘His dictionary… is not worth is not suit … pronounced shoot ’… ‘Mr Sheridan’s greatest fault’ sixpence… the book may be considered rather as a national disgrace than ornament’ (18-19)  Jones 3 eliminates palatalised: Jones 1798: iv,  Stressed syllable, e.g. [sj] uture developing  Unstressed /t/ if not before /r/ (so restricting further than Walker), 1797: viii e.g. punc [tj] ual  Unstressed /t/ before onset /r/, e.g. cen [tj] ury vs. feature  Unstressed /d/, e.g. proce [dj] ure  also: j-dropping, even when palatalised, e.g. i [ ʃ ] ue > i [ ʃ j] ue  except sporadically unstressed before /r/, e.g. censure , future , pleasure  Jones 3 retains palatalised (+ yod):  Unstressed /s/  Stressed /s/ before /r/, but not onset /r/ in assurance  Jones 3 adds palatalised: 3 rd ed. has this  Unstressed /z/, e.g. casual quotation on the page  Stressed /s/ in supine immediately following  Pre-stress /t/ alternation (like Walker), e.g. maturation the title page. In 2 nd ed. this page is blank. SHEL9, Vancouver, 5-7 June 2015 3

  4. Joan Beal & Ranjan Sen, Palatalisation in 18th-cent. English  ‘First’ yod-dropping only in earlier sources  Difficult to separate from chronology/stigmatisation  Notably in all phonemes in unstressed syllables before /r/,  Sheridan (of course!) Irish: most palatalisation e.g. century, verdure, censure, seizure, creature, procedure,  Little palatalisation in Scottish sources treasure  Mostly in Buchanan, Johnston, Kenrick, Perry  Buchanan (1757) and notably Scott (1786) have no palatalised  Spence (1775) is latest to do this forms whatsoever  Then ‘second’ yod-dropping in later sources  Perry (1775) only in unstressed /s/, all fricatives before /r/  Any phoneme in stressed syllable  Spence (1775) from Newcastle: also little  Sheridan (1780) is earliest, only 1 e.g. dual  Only stressed /s/ + unstressed /z/ before /r/  Scott (1786) is arch-stressed-yod-dropper, mostly in fricatives,  Recall Kenrick’s ‘metropolitan pronunciation’ with yod but variants in /d/ recognised and/or palatalised C  Clearly only most frequent words  Restitution of yod led to more palatalised variants  /d/ duke, duty , /s z/ top half of items listed by frequency  All sources are consistently rhotic  Stressed: DEUCE_a, SURE_a  Palatalisation generally resisted  Significantly more palatalisation when /r/ follows (SURE- FEATURE) than when /r/ does not (DEUCE)  As noted by Walker  Exception SURE_a /s/, e.g. sure : see (4) Rhoticity  Walker, Sheridan, Kenrick, Perry, Jones  Post-stress: DEUCE_b, SURE_b, FEATURE  Especially when post-stress (SURE_b, FEATURE)  Even Spence /z/ (clo [ ʒ ] ure , plea [ ʒ ] ure ) , but not /t d s/  Most common context, sensitive to (5) Phoneme ( nature , procedure , pressure )  As noted by Walker  Palatalised forms lexicalised in PDE, e.g. pleasure  Also most common context for yod-dropping: see (1) Chronology  PDE-based categorisation SURE_b (full V) vs. FEATURE  Pre-stress: DEUCE_c, SURE_c (less data) (schwa) seems to be frequency-based  Palatalisation arguably resisted more than in _b, but see (5)  e.g. maxima SURE_b: censure (8) vs. FEATURE: nature (196) Phoneme for patterns  Some differences between them (V quality, palatalisation in  Walker (+ Jones 3) stress-sensitive: [tj] útor but [ ʧ j] utórial , /t/) discernable in 18 th cent. mó [dj(i)] ule but variant mo [ ʤ j] ulátion , ma [tj] úre but ma [ ʧ j] urátion  Yod-dropping before /r/: see (1) Chronology SHEL9, Vancouver, 5-7 June 2015 4

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