Extraction and licensing in Toba Batak Michael Yoshitaka ERLEWINE - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

Extraction and licensing in Toba Batak Michael Yoshitaka ERLEWINE (mitcho) National University of Singapore mitcho@nus.edu.sg GLOW 40 March 2017

Theoretical background: C and T A-probe(s) ... nominative case, etc. A-probe for DP, T TP C (1) CP T: A-probe for DP b. a. Traditional division of labor: (Chomsky, 1986, a.o.) 2 C: A-probe(s) for certain XP(s) (focus, wh , ...) ϕ -agreement,

Theoretical background: C and T In many languages, we observe the independent efgects of probing by C and probing by T, creating distinct Spec,CP and Spec,TP positions. (2) Independent Spec,CP and Spec,TP in English: a. buying the book. b. buying ? 3 [ TP Stephanie will [be [ v P [ CP What will [ TP Stephanie [be [ v P

C, T, and Austronesian voice Extraction restriction: A-extraction is limited to the subject efgects of C and T. with C-properties (extractability). We don’t observe clearly distinct Voice system languages seem to conflate T-properties (subjecthood) ☞ in position or morphologically marked. Marking of non-subject agents: Non-subject agents are restricted d. argument (Keenan and Comrie, 1977, a.o.). c. In contrast, extraction in many Austronesian lgs is regulated by “voice”: with the choice of subject argument. Articulated voice morphology: Morphology on the verb varies b. in a particular form and/or structural position. A privileged argument: One argument is designated the subject , a. Austronesian voice systems: (from Erlewine, Levin, and Van Urk, to appear) (3) 4

Today • I investigate patterns of preverbal fronting in Toba Batak , a predicate-initial Austronesian language. • Data here is from elici- tation with four speakers currently in Singapore. U. Michigan Museum of Anthropology 5

C and T in Toba Batak Toba Batak follows the Austronesian “subject-only” extraction restriction (Silitonga, 1973; Keenan and Comrie, 1977; Cole and Hermon, 2008, a.o.) ☞ I nonetheless argue that Toba Batak has the distinct heads C and T with their traditional division of labor (1): C can attract wh /focused XPs; T can Case-license and attract DPs. 6

C and T in Toba Batak Patterns of extraction to Spec,CP and Spec,TP are limited, cf English (2): ‘When did Poltak buy a book?’ ]]]? book buku ACT -buy [man-uhor Poltak Poltak PN when Intended: ‘What did Poltak buy?’ ]]]? ACT -buy [man-uhor Poltak Poltak PN what Only non-DPs can move to Spec,CP over Spec,TP: (4) 7 a. *[ CP Aha [ TP si b. ✓ [ CP Andigan [ TP si

The role of Case-licensing Idea 1: The asymmetry in (4) is due to the lack of Case-licensing for the DP in Spec,CP. (Toba Batak has no case marking, so this is abstract Case.) What in English (2b) receives accusative low and then moves to Spec,CP. ACC ? But Toba Batak has no structural Case-licensor in the lower domain of the clause (e.g. no accusative). I discuss the Case-licensing of in-situ DPs later. ☞ The limited means of nominal licensing contributes to the observed Austronesian subject-only extraction asymmetry. 8 (2b) ✓ [ CP What will [ TP Stephanie be buying

Bundling C and T Idea 2: C and T can be bundled into a single head, CT . CT probes for targets that are simultaneously wh /focused and nominal, and inherits T’s Case-licensing ability. (5) CT attracts a wh /focused nominal and Case-licenses it: who [man-uhor ACT -buy buku book ]]? ‘Who bought a book?’ 9 [ CTP Ise

Bundling C and T PN ‘What did only Poltak buy?’ ]]? ACT -buy [man-uhor Poltak Poltak] si CT also inherits from C the ability to attract multiple targets: only [holan what CT can front multiple wh /focused nominals and Case-license them: (6) 10 [ CTP Aha

Bundling C and T CT also inherits from C the ability to attract multiple targets: Intended: ‘What did Poltak buy?’ ]]]? ACT -buy [man-uhor Poltak Poltak PN what Note that (6) contrasts minimally from the earlier ungrammatical (4a): ‘What did only Poltak buy?’ ]]? ACT -buy [man-uhor Poltak Poltak] PN si only [holan what CT can front multiple wh /focused nominals and Case-license them: (6) 10 [ CTP Aha (4a) *[ CP Aha [ TP si

Bundling C and T The availability of multiple DP fronting as in (6) has, to my knowledge, never before been documented in any Austronesian voice system language. It is unpredicted by all previous accounts for Toba Batak clause structure (Clark, 1992; Baldridge, 2002; Cole and Hermon, 2008; Hermon, 2009) . ☞ Joint probing by CT derives this privileged status of being simultaneously wh /focused and nominal. 11

Roadmap §1 Toba Batak basics • Voice and word order • Wh /focus-fronting §2 Multiple fronting §3 Proposal §4 Spelling out (C)T 12

Voice in Toba Batak PASS -read that the “ PASSIVE ” agent is not demoted or oblique. sentence-final). I refer to maN- (7a) as ACTIVE and di- (7b) as PASSIVE . Note The voice prefix tracks the choice of subject argument (bold, here ‘Poltak read a book.’ book buku . Poltak Poltak PN si Di -jaha A two-way voice alternation, similar to nearby Malayic languages. b. Poltak Poltak . PN si book buku ACT -read Man -jaha a. (7) 13

Voice in Toba Batak b. ‘Poltak read a book.’ ]. Poltak Poltak PN si PASS -read [ di -jaha book Buku ]. Predicate-initial order is the canonical declarative order, but book buku ACT -read [ man -jaha Poltak Poltak PN Si a. (8) subject-initial order (8) is also common. 14

Postverbal word order ☞ ‘The book gave Poltak to Uli.’ #Manga-lehon si Poltak {tu si Uli buku / buku tu si Uli}. d. *Manga-lehon tu si Uli {buku si Poltak / si Poltak buku}. c. b. ‘Poltak gave a book to Uli.’ Poltak Poltak . PN si Uli Uli PN si to tu book buku ACT -give Manga-lehon a. Word order with three arguments: (9) argument must be immediately postverbal (if any). Postverbal word order is free with one exception: the non-subject DP 15 Manga-lehon buku si Poltak tu si Uli.

Postverbal word order PN Poltak b. Di-jaha ACT -read {*nantoari} *yesterday si Poltak {nantoari} {nantoari}. yesterday buku book {nantoari}. yesterday ‘Poltak read a book yesterday.’ yesterday Poltak ☞ ACT -read Postverbal word order is free with one exception: the non-subject DP argument must be immediately postverbal (if any). (10) Adding nantoari ‘yesterday’ to (7a,b): a. Man-jaha {*nantoari} Poltak *yesterday buku book {nantoari} yesterday si PN 16

Extracting a DP who (Silitonga, 1973; Keenan and Comrie, 1977, a.o.). This is the famed “subject-only” Austronesian extraction asymmetry ☞ ‘Who ate pork?’ pork babi ]? PASS -eat [ di -allang b. *Ise If a DP is fronted, it must be the subject: ]? pork babi ACT -eat [ mang -allang who (11) 17 Agent wh -question ⇒ ACTIVE: a. ✓ Ise

Extracting a DP [ di -tuhor (Silitonga, 1973; Keenan and Comrie, 1977, a.o.). This is the famed “subject-only” Austronesian extraction asymmetry ☞ ‘What did Poltak buy?’ ]? Poltak Poltak PN si PASS -buy what If a DP is fronted, it must be the subject: Poltak Poltak ]? PN si ACT -buy [ man -uhor what a. *Aha (12) 18 Theme wh -question ⇒ PASSIVE: b. ✓ Aha

Extracting a non-DP Poltak who [ di -tuhor PASS -buy si PN Poltak buku for book ]? ‘[For who] did Poltak buy the book?’ (7–13) are my examples but the same patterns have been described by Silitonga (1973), Clark (1984, 1985), Schachter (1984a), and Cole and Hermon (2008). ise] 19 Fronting of non-DPs does not interact with voice; both voices are possible, ]? with difgerent postverbal order: (13) Extraction of non-DPs does not interact with voice: for ise] who [ man -uhor ACT -buy buku book si PN Poltak Poltak a. ✓ [ PP Tu b. ✓ [ PP Tu

Wh /focus-movement pork ‘Who ate this pork?’ PROX on? pork babi who ise PASS -eat Di-allang c. who ise? PROX on babi Wh -words prefer to front, but can stay in-situ. ACT -eat (14) Optional wh -movement: Ise ‘who’ a. Ise who [mang-allang babi ACT -eat pork on ]? PROX b. Mang-allang 20

Adjunct wh -movement buku when ho? you c. Man-uhor ACT -buy book book ho you andigan? when ‘When did you buy the book?’ Passive variants all possible, with positions of buku and ho reversed. andigan buku Wh -words prefer to front, but can stay in-situ. ACT -buy (15) Optional wh -movement: Andigan ‘when’ a. Andigan when [man-uhor buku ACT -buy book ho ]? you b. Man-uhor 21

Focus-movement ACT -eat [naniura naniura pe]. even c. Mang-allang [naniura ahu naniura pe] even ahu. 1sg ‘I eat even NANIURA .’ 1sg PASS -eat Phrases with holan ‘only’ and pe ‘even’ similarly can be in-situ but prefer pe] to move. ( holan on handout) (16) Optional focus-fronting: Pe ‘even’ a. [Naniura naniura even Di-allang [di-allang PASS -eat ahu ]. 1sg b. 22

“ Wh /focus-movement”? NB: At this point, there may be no processes of “ wh /focus-fronting” per se . These fronting examples could simply be due to a general process of optional fronting to preverbal position, with the language wh /focus-in-situ at its core. However, I will show in the next section that wh and holan / pe -focused phrases command a privileged status. I refer to them as “formally 23 focused” ([ + FOC ]) .

Roadmap §1 Toba Batak basics §2 Multiple fronting §3 Proposal §4 Spelling out (C)T 24