BBN-ANG-243 Advanced Phonology: Phonological Analysis Lecture 7: - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

Phonological Analysis BBN-ANG-241_stress1 <EngPhonBA_243_stress1_2020_annotated.wpd> Page 1 of 31 BBN-ANG-243 Advanced Phonology: Phonological Analysis Lecture 7: Word Stress part 1 Annotated version: see the Yellow Pages after sets of slides Kiss Zoltán / Starcevic Attila / Szigetvári Péter / Törkenczy Miklós Dept of English Linguistics, Eötvös Loránd University (1) Phonetic properties of stress : suprasegmental & relative compare [coronal] j H r * * * * * grid representation of prominence kiss kisses syllable prominence due to loudness, pitch and/or length

Phonological Analysis BBN-ANG-241_stress1 <EngPhonBA_243_stress1_2020_annotated.wpd> Page 2 of 31 THESE NOTES ( THE YELLOW PAGES ) ARE ANNOTATIONS EXPLAINING (LIKE THE ACTUAL LECTURE WOULD HAVE DONE VERBALLY) THE SLIDES THAT PRECEDE. THE NUMBERS IN BRACKETS ( ) REFER TO THE SECTION NUMBERS OF THE SLIDES. These two lectures are about word stress, i.e. the stressing of words spoken in isolation as if each word were a “one-word sentence” (not when words are combined into phrases or sentences – phrase stress will be discussed in the set text on phrase stress/intonation). (1) Stress is a suprasegmental feature. Unlike the features like [coronal] or [voice] it not realised on a single segment, but it extends over more than one segment: it is associated with a syllable. Furthermore stress is not an absolute property: it is the relative prominence of syllables. In contrast to features like [voice] or [coronal], whose value is determinable independently of the environment of the segment, it is not possible to tell whether a particular syllable is stressed or unstressed without comparing it to other (neighbouring) syllables. Phonetically, stress (prominence) does not have a single unique phonetic correlate but is associated with (a combination of) more than one measurable phonetic property: increased loudness (amplitude, the amount of air pushed out of the lungs), pitch (fundamental frequency, the rate of vibration of the vocal cords) and increased length.

Phonological Analysis BBN-ANG-241_stress1 <EngPhonBA_243_stress1_2020_annotated.wpd> Page 3 of 31 (2) Word stress (2.1) Degrees (1 stress vs more than 1 stress in a word) Hungarian ! * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * matek matekos matekozik matekozhatnak matekozhatnának átmatekozhatnának English ! * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * atom atomic atomistic excommunicate `s?l ?sNlHj `s?lHrsHj Djrj?li|vmHjDis Notation spelling átom atómic àtomístic èxcommúnicate transcription !`s?l ?!sNlHj $`s?!lHrsHj $Djrj?l!i|vmHjDis át c m c t 3 ] m w k àt c míst w k e ksk c mj 3 4 œ wn w k e jt

Phonological Analysis BBN-ANG-241_stress1 <EngPhonBA_243_stress1_2020_annotated.wpd> Page 4 of 31 (2.2) Predictability (fully predictable vs. fully lexical) Hungarian: leftmost syllable Macedonian: antepenultimate syllable FULLY PREDICTABLE & FIXED ! Polish: penultimate syllable classical Arabic: FULLY PREDICTABLE & NOT FIXED ! Russian, Italian, Spanish NOT (FULLY) PREDICTABLE & NOT FIXED ! (partially) LEXICAL

Phonological Analysis BBN-ANG-241_stress1 <EngPhonBA_243_stress1_2020_annotated.wpd> Page 5 of 31 (2.1) Some languages have just one stress in a word (i.e. two degrees of stress: stress versus no stress). Hungarian is an example where each word has an initial stressed syllable – otherwise the word is “flat” stress-wise independently of how long it is. English is different because more than one syllable can be stressed in a word, there are degrees of prominence. Notation: stress in English can be indicated before the first segment of the syllable (in transcription, superscript=1ry stress, subscript=2ry stress) or on top of the stressed vowel (in spelling and transcription, acute accent=1ry stress, grave accent=2ry stress). (2.2) In some languages stress is predictable (from some property of the of the stressed syllable, e.g. its position in the word). In others it is not predictable, it must be specified (memorised by the speaker) for every word (or some/most words). Unpredictable stress is called lexical stress. In some languages stress always falls on the same syllable of a word: fixed stress (e.g. Hungarian. In other languages (e.g. English) any syllable of a word may be stressed (not fixed). If stress if fixed, it is predictable, but it may or may not be predictable if not fixed.

Phonological Analysis BBN-ANG-241_stress1 <EngPhonBA_243_stress1_2020_annotated.wpd> Page 6 of 31 (2.3) Stress & quantity/syllable weight (quantity sensitivity) (i) syllable weight: heavy, superheavy, light (V L =long V, D=diphthong, V S =short V, "." = syllable boundary; open syllable ends is V, closed syllable ends in C) HEAVY SYLLABLE : H LIGHT SYLLABLE : L (contains a long V or diphthong or is closed) (contains a short V and is open) V L (C). or D(C). or V S C(C). V. SUPERHEAVY (H SH ) HL H SH H an .gel LL uHi-y? Dim-cY?k `-a? vi.sa A.bba HH H SH LH a .crid n9-e?k ekn9ms `-jqHc aw.ful flaunt HH H SH ban.quet a`M-jvHs @js act (ii) Two interpretations of diphthong a. D = V L ne.on H H mHi - ?m b. D = V S C ne.on L H mH - i?m

Phonological Analysis BBN-ANG-241_stress1 <EngPhonBA_243_stress1_2020_annotated.wpd> Page 7 of 31 (iii) Quantity-sensitive system, example: Classical Arabic a. !j` s` < a` > 'he wrote' b. jh !s`9 < atm > 'book (nom sg)' L L L H !a` k` í` < stm > 'date (nom sg)' it !R`9 qh < jt > 'he participates' L L L L H L l` m`9 !ch9 < kt > 'kingdom (nom sg)' L H H Ignore last syllable; stress rightmost H if there is one, otherwise stress leftmost (L) syllable (iv) Quantity-insensitive system, example: Hungarian paripa ! L L L Barbara ! H L L karácsony ! L H L Melinda ! L H L Abigél ! L L H Aladár ! L L H (not the same as the pattern of Hungarian metrical verse: taka ! rá el a ! bérci te ! t ő t)

Phonological Analysis BBN-ANG-241_stress1 <EngPhonBA_243_stress1_2020_annotated.wpd> Page 8 of 31 (2.3) Metrification (i.e. the assignment of stress) is sensitive to the distinction between heavy and light syllables in some languages . These stress systems are quantity-sensitive. a syllable is light (L) if it is open (=ends in a vowel) and the vowel is short (=it is not (i) a long vowel or a diphthong a syllable is heavy (H) otherwise, i.e. if the syllable is closed (=ends in a consonant) and/or its vowel is a long vowel or a diphthong (see the table in (i)) A subtype of a heavy syllable is superheavy (H SH ). These are syllables which are not minimally heavy, i.e. they are heavy even without their final consonant L see the table (2.3) i. (ii) Diphthongs may be analysed in two ways: either as a long vowel or as a short vowel followed by a consonant (a glide). This has a consequence for the weight of the syllable they are in: under the first interpretation it is heavy (since it counts as a long vowel), under the second it is light (since it is an open syllable with a short vowel (because the consonant (the glide) syllabifies into the next syllable due to Onset Maximisation, see Lectures 4-5 on syllable structure). We will follow the first interpretation L see the syllabification and the syllable weights in the box with the red border (iii) In quantity sensitive systems heavy syllables tend to attract stress, L see the Classical Arabic examples (iv) Hungarian is quantity-insensitive: syllable weight has no role in metrification. L see the Hungarian examples Hungarian metrical verse is different: it is quantity sensitive. L see the Pet ő fi quotation

Phonological Analysis BBN-ANG-241_stress1 <EngPhonBA_243_stress1_2020_annotated.wpd> Page 9 of 31 (2.4) Stress & the domain of stress assignment (extrametricality) In a stress system with extrametricality some peripheral parts of the word are systematically outside the domain of metrification, e.g. last syllable in Classical Arabic: a. !j` s` < a` > 'he wrote' b. jh !s`9 < atm > 'book (nom sg)' L L L H !a` k` í` < stm > 'date (nom sg)' it !R`9 qh < jt > 'he participates' L L L L H L l` m`9 !ch9 < kt > 'kingdom (nom sg)' L H H

Phonological Analysis BBN-ANG-241_stress1 <EngPhonBA_243_stress1_2020_annotated.wpd> Page 10 of 31 (2.4) Metrification (i.e. the assignment of stress) can systematically ignore some part of a word (typically at the end). This part is called extrametrical and it is “invisible” to metrification. L As you can see in the Classical Arabic example, the final syllable is extrametrical in that it cannot get stress and does not influence the place of stress within the word.

Phonological Analysis BBN-ANG-241_stress1 <EngPhonBA_243_stress1_2020_annotated.wpd> Page 11 of 31 (2.5) Stress & vowel quality (vowel reduction: full vs. reduced vowels) In a stress system with Vowel Reduction unstressed syllables have a limited set of vowels (called ‘reduced vowels’), i.e. fewer vowel contrasts, compared to stressed syllables (e.g. Catalan, Russian).