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. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Argument Structure: typological perspective BMA-ANGD-A2 Linguistic Theory Irina Burukina irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu Part II Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological

  1. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Argument Structure: typological perspective BMA-ANGD-A2 Linguistic Theory Irina Burukina irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu Part II Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 / 37

  2. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Overview The lectures aim to provide an overview of various syntactic phenomena re- lated to argument structure and argument structure transformations from a typological perspective. Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 / 37

  3. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Today we will talk about 1. Removal of arguments Middle Antipassive III 2. Addition of arguments Causativization Applicatives Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 / 37

  4. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Removal (deletion) of arguments Middle Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 / 37

  5. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Middle Voice Middle – (1) the external argument is removed, (2) an internal argument is promoted. (1) Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 / 37 a. Bad people bribe politicians. b. Politicians bribe easily.

  6. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Middle Voice The external argument is deleted completely! (2) a. Politicians bribe easily (*by bad people). b. Politicians bribe easily (*to pressure the offjcials). Compare to passive! (3) b. The ship sank (*with a torpedo). Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 / 37 c. #Politicians bribe easily drunk. ← the politicians are drunk, not the one who bribes them a. The ship was sunk with a torpedo.

  7. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Middle: (a) structural representation VoiceP VP book read Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 / 37 Voice ′ Voice 0

  8. . (4) . . . . . . . . Dispositional Middle Some verbs in the middle voice denote a dispositional property of the internal argument: a. etot . this xleb bread *(legko) easily rezhet-sja cut.3sg-refm [Russian] ‘This bread cuts easily.’ b. This book reads *(easily). Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 / 37

  9. . sleeps comfortable angenehm. REFL sich it es schläft ‘It is comfortable to sleep here’ (Schäfer 2007) here a. Hier (5) Impersonal middles are dispositional middles constructed from intransitive verbs. Impersonal Middle . [German] b. Se . the Part II Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective ‘One sleeps well on benches.’ [Spanish] benches bancos. los REFL in en well bien sleeps.3S duerme . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 / 37

  10. . (7) . . . . . . . Anticausative (6) a. The cup broke (*by John). b. The ship sank (*by the captain). Russian: a. rebjonok . child.m.nom razbil broke.m.sg čašk-u. cup.f-acc ‘The child broke the cup.’ b. čašk-a cup.f-nom razbila-s’. broke.f.sg-refm ‘The cup broke.’ Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 / 37

  11. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Reduction (deletion) of arguments Antipassive III Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 / 37

  12. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Antipassive III Active: External argument (active) = Subject, ERG Internal argument (passive) = Object, ABS Antipassive III: External argument = Subject, ABS Internal argument = deleted. Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 / 37

  13. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Antipassive III Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 / 37

  14. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Antipassive III: (a) structural representation The traditional analysis: antipassive (AP) morpheme as an incorporated object (back to Baker (1988)). VoiceP VP AP Voice ExtA Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 / 37 Voice ′ V 0

  15. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Antipassive in the world’s languages WALS: 146 languages, + antipassive implicit (blue, 18), + antipassive oblique (ref, 30), no antipassive (white, 146). Link: https://wals.info/feature/108A#2/23.2/148.5 Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 / 37

  16. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Addition of arguments Causativization Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 / 37

  17. . . . . . . . . . . . . Causatives . Causative construction – increase of the valency of a predicate by adding a Causer or a Cause. Periphrastic causative in English: (8) Not only with inherently intransitive predicates: (9) b. The mother made the baby drink milk. c. Hunger made the baby drink milk. d. Hunger forced the baby to drink milk. Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 / 37 a. The baby slept. b. The mother made the baby sleep. c. His singing made the baby sleep. d. His singing caused the baby to sleep. a. The baby drank milk.

  18. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Causatives Periphrastic causative: Biclausal (note: Song 1996, biclausality as a continuum); The Causer and the predicate of cause must be “foregrounded” (more prominent), while the Causee and the predicate of efgect “backgrounded” (less prominent); The expression of the causer’s action should be without specifjc meaning Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 / 37 (e.g. cause but not order).

  19. . Ahmed . . . . . . . Causatives Periphrastic causative: (10) Swahili (Vitale 1981: 152) Ahmed a-li-m-fanya . he-pst-him-make mbwa dog a-l-e he-eat-sbjv samaki fjsh mkubwa. large ‘Ahmed made the dog eat a large fjsh.’ Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 / 37

  20. . Japanese . . . . . . . . Causatives Non-periphrastic, morphological causative: (11) Kanako . Kanako ga nom Ziroo Ziro o acc ik-ase-ta. go-caus-pst ‘Kanako made Ziro go.’ Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 / 37

  21. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Causatives Non-periphrastic, morphological causative: Monoclausal; The Causer occupies a grammatically more ‘prominent’ position than the Causee; The expression of the causer’s action, be it an affjx or a separate (auxiliary) verb, should be without specifjc meaning. Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 / 37

  22. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Causatives Non-periphrastic, morphological causative: Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 / 37

  23. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Causatives Non-periphrastic, morphological causative: vP VP Causee v CAUS Causer Additional reference: work by Heidi Harley Irina Burukina (irine-bu@caesar.elte.hu)Argument Structure: typological perspective Part II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 / 37 v ′ V ′ V 0

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