Adapting the Dynamic Model to historical linguistics Case studies on the Middle English and Anglo-Norman contact situation Michael Percillier �1 ICEHL XX, Edinburgh, 30 August 2018
1 Introduction NB: Handout available at https://tinyurl.com/percillier-ICEHL20-handout Michael Percillier �2 ICEHL XX, Edinburgh, 30 August 2018
Context & Aims • Context: BASICS research project (https://tinyurl.com/ dfgbasics) • Aims: Test whether Schneider’s Dynamic Model of Postcolonial English can be applied to the contact situation between Anglo-Norman (AN) and Middle English (ME) Michael Percillier �3 ICEHL XX, Edinburgh, 30 August 2018
2 The Dynamic Model Michael Percillier �4 ICEHL XX, Edinburgh, 30 August 2018
Origins • The Dynamic Model (Schneider 2003; Schneider 2007) addresses the hitherto static categorisations of varieties of English around the world, such as the ENL-ESL-EFL Model and the Three Circles Model (Kachru 1985). Variety type Examples ENL-ESL-EFL Three Circles Ancestral English BrE, AmE, NZE Native L. Inner C. Postcolonial English NigE, SgE, MalE Second L. Outer C. E. as a lingua franca Sweden, Japan Foreign L. Expanding C. Table 1: Static models of varieties of English Michael Percillier �5 ICEHL XX, Edinburgh, 30 August 2018
Central concept 1: STL & IDG strands • Postcolonial varieties develops from a contact situation involving a colonizer (here English) STL (settler) strand and a colonized IDG (indigenous) strand Michael Percillier �6 ICEHL XX, Edinburgh, 30 August 2018
Central concept 2: Stages of development • A postcolonial variety may undergo up to 5 stages of development: 1. Foundation 2. Exonormative stabilization 3. Nativization 4. Endonormative stabilization 5. Differentiation Michael Percillier �7 ICEHL XX, Edinburgh, 30 August 2018
Nativization (i) • The nativization stage is further modeled (Van Rooy 2011:204; Percillier 2016:179–183): linguistic features from STL and IDG enter a common feature pool (Mufwene 2001:4–6), from which they can be selected or rejected by the speech community. Michael Percillier �8 ICEHL XX, Edinburgh, 30 August 2018
Nativization (ii) Figure 1: Illustration of feature (range) selection in the nativization process, �9 summarised from Percillier (2016:180–181)
3 Adapting the Dynamic Model Michael Percillier �10 ICEHL XX, Edinburgh, 30 August 2018
Anglo-Norman in the Dynamic Model (i) 1. Foundation: The Norman Conquest (1066), followed by the installation of the Norman nobility as the new ruling class. 2. Exonormative stabilization: Norman rule is secured, and AN accepts continental Old French (cOF) as its norm. 3. Nativization: Features typical of AN as spoken by native speakers of ME begin to be used by descendants of Norman invaders. Michael Percillier �11 ICEHL XX, Edinburgh, 30 August 2018
Anglo-Norman in the Dynamic Model (ii) 4. Endonormative stabilization: • Ethnic distinction between Norman and English inhabitants becomes blurred (Short 1980). • “Event X” may apply to the loss of Normandy (1204) or the Black Death (1348-1349). • AN is no longer modeled after cOF and dies as a native speaker variety shortly thereafter (Ingham 2012b, ix). Instead, it serves intranational purposes for a variety of text types (Rothwell 2001; Trotter 2003; Ingham 2012a). Michael Percillier �12 ICEHL XX, Edinburgh, 30 August 2018
Anglo-Norman in the Dynamic Model (iii) • Descriptions of later AN as bad French (e.g. Lambley 1920:25) may reflect the norm-developing character of AN as a nativized variety undergoing endonormative stabilization. Michael Percillier �13 ICEHL XX, Edinburgh, 30 August 2018
Middle English in the Dynamic Model • English is the IDG strand language, which places it outside the scope of the Dynamic Model. • Can similar phases of development as described for the STL strand language also apply to the IDG language? Michael Percillier �14 ICEHL XX, Edinburgh, 30 August 2018
4 Case studies Michael Percillier �15 ICEHL XX, Edinburgh, 30 August 2018
Anglo-Norman verbal prefixes in Middle English (i) M1 M2 M3 M4 80 Normalised per 100,000 words 60 Prefix a 40 en es 20 0 French Non − French French Non − French French Non − French French Non − French Origin Figure 2: Normalised frequencies of prefixed verbs �16
Anglo-Norman verbal prefixes in Middle English (ii) • Only en- combines with native bases. (1) and nou he haþ en-heyed myn heued vp alle myn enemis. [PPCME2, CMEARLPS,29.1225] “and now he has raised/ honoured my head (= made me eminent/powerful) above all my enemies” • Besides the formations found in the PPCME2, further derivations of non-French verbs are attested in the OED, such as enanger, encleanse, encurse, endry, engold, enhang, enlusty, ensilver, enripe, enscore, enwed, enwrong . The fact that most of these examples appear to be nonce formations supports the idea of a productive en- prefix. Michael Percillier �17 ICEHL XX, Edinburgh, 30 August 2018
Anglo-Norman verbal prefixes in Middle English (iii) Figure 3: Illustration of the possible nativization process of verbal prefixes in AN and ME �18
Prepositional Secondary Predicate Constructions (i) • Prepositional Secondary Predicate Constructions (PREP- SPCs) changed drastically in the ME period, from the to -SPC as the dominant variant in OE (Visser 2002:586–595; Mitchell 1985:451) and early ME, to a more evenly distributed constellation thereafter (Figure 4). Michael Percillier �19 ICEHL XX, Edinburgh, 30 August 2018
Prepositional Secondary Predicate Constructions (ii) (2) And þat lond he chees before all oþ londes as the beste & most worthi lond [PPCME2, CMMANDEV,1.6] “and that land he chose before all other lands as the best and worthiest land” (3) Þe ich halde, healent, ba for feader & for freond [c1225(?c1200) St.Marg.(1) (Bod 34) 18/36] “I regard you, Saviour, both as a father and as a friend” (MED, McSparran et al. 2001, “for (prep.)”) (4) and anoyntide Dauith in to king of Israel [PPCME2, CMPURVEY,I,10.350] “and [all Israel gathered in Hebron] anointed David as king of Israel” (5) Hēr man hālgode Ælfēhg tō arcebiscope [Chr. 1006; Erl. 138, 2 : 1050] “In this year Ælfheah was consecrated archbishop”(BTASD)(Bosworth et al. 2010, “hálgian”) Michael Percillier �20 ICEHL XX, Edinburgh, 30 August 2018
Prepositional Secondary Predicate Constructions (iii) Figure 4: PREP-SPCs per ME sub-period �21
Prepositional Secondary Predicate Constructions (iv) • AN featured a set of PREP-SPCs that exhibits parallels to English PREP-SPCs: (6) Lur pere espirital jugent comme bricun Que li reis le presist e mesist en prisun (AND, [Becket 1864], Trotter 2006, “juger”) “Their spiritual fathers judge it as foolish that the king praised him and put him in jail” (7) L’abés surrist e les blasmat, E pur molt fols les aesmat (AND, [S Brend MUP 1050])(Trotter 2006, “asmer”) “The abbot smiled and blamed them, and considered them as very mad” (8) iloc par sa requeste fu l’eawe tornee en vin (AND, [Ancren2 186.20])(Trotter 2006, “turner[2]”) “there the water was turned into wine at his request” (9) Vous pernez a trop legier ceo qe me costa mout cher (AND, [BOZ Cont 99]) (Trotter 2006, “prendre[1]”) “You consider as too minor what cost me very dear” Michael Percillier �22 ICEHL XX, Edinburgh, 30 August 2018
Prepositional Secondary Predicate Constructions (v) Figure 5: Hierarchical clustering of a distributional semantic model of PREP-SPCs in M3 and M4 �23
of -Objects (i) • Causative and partitive objects were marked with genitive in OE, then increasingly by of -phrases in ME (Visser 2002:355–366). • The possibility of French verbs taking de influencing this development has been raised (Mustanoja 1960:397–399; Visser 2002:360–361), but not investigated further. Michael Percillier �24 ICEHL XX, Edinburgh, 30 August 2018
of -Objects (ii) Figure 6: Type of of -objects per ME sub-period (preliminary) �25
of -Objects (iii) • of -objects first appear with verbs of asking in M3 with the French-based verb preien (10), then in M4 also with the native verb bisechen (11). (10) and preyde hym of paciense [PPCME2, CMWYCSER, 309.1472] “and asked him for patience” (11) and besought of mercy and grace [PPCME2, CMEDMUND,169.197] “and asked for mercy and grace” Michael Percillier �26 ICEHL XX, Edinburgh, 30 August 2018
of -Objects (iv) • A similar point can be made for the verbs of stopping cesen (12, French-based), leven (13, native), and stinten (14, native), although in this case both patterns first appear in M3. (12) And, yyf þu wylt Lord, þat I sese of wepyng, I prey þe take me owt of þis world. [PPCME2, CMKEMPE,142.3284] “And Lord, if you want me stop weeping, I ask you to take me out of this world” (13) but Charloman, after þe fourþe yere of his principate, left of þe principate of þe kynges hous by counseile of his broþer [PPCME2, CMPOLYCH,VI,233.1684] “but Charlemagne, after the fourth year of his rulership, ended his leadership of the king’s house by counsel of his brother” (14) Prudence, his wyf, as ferforth as she dorste, bisoghte hym of his wepyng for to stynte [PPCME2, CMCTMELI,217.C1b.10] “Prudence, his wife, asked him to stop his weeping as well as she could” Michael Percillier �27 ICEHL XX, Edinburgh, 30 August 2018
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