Predicate-Argument Structure and Frame Semantic Parsing 11-711 Algorithms for NLP November 2020 (With thanks to Noah Smith and Lori Levin)
Semantics so far in course • Previous semantics lectures discussed composing meanings of parts to produce the correct global sentence meaning – The mailman bit my dog. • The “atomic units” of meaning have come from the lexical entries for words • The meanings of words have been overly simplified (as in FOL): atomic objects in a set-theoretic model
Word senses in WordNet3.0
Synsets • (bass6, bass-voice1, basso2) • (bass1, deep6) (Adjective) • (chump1, fool2, gull1, mark9, patsy1, fall guy1, sucker1, soft touch1, mug2)
Noun relations in WordNet3.0
Is a hamburger food?
Verb relations in WordNet3.0 • Not nearly as much information as for nouns: – 117k nouns – 22k adjectives – 11.5k verbs – 4601 adverbs(!)
Still no “real” semantics? • Semantic primitives: Kill(x,y) = CAUSE(x, BECOME(NOT(ALIVE(y)))) Open(x,y) = CAUSE(x, BECOME(OPEN(y))) • Conceptual Dependency: PTRANS,ATRANS,… The waiter brought Mary the check PTRANS(x) ∧ ACTOR(x,Waiter) ∧ (OBJECT(x,Check) ∧ TO(x,Mary) ∧ ATRANS(y) ∧ ACTOR(y,Waiter) ∧ (OBJECT(y,Check) ∧ TO(y,Mary)
Semantic Cases/Thematic Roles • Developed in late 1960’s and 1970’s (Fillmore and others) • Postulate a limited set of abstract semantic relationships between a verb & its arguments: thematic roles or case roles • Part of the verb’s (predicate’s) semantics 11 Semantic Processing [2]
Breaking, Eating, Opening • John broke the window. • The window broke. • John is always breaking things. • We ate dinner. • We already ate. • The pies were eaten up quickly. • Open up! • Someone left the door open. • John opens the window at night.
Breaking, Eating, Opening • John broke the window. breaker, • The window broke. broken thing, • John is always breaking things. breaking frequency(?) • We ate dinner. eater, • We already ate. eaten thing, • The pies were eaten up quickly. eating speed(?) • Open up! opener, • Someone left the door open. opened thing, • John opens the window at opening time(?) night.
Related problem: Mismatch between FOPC and linguistic arguments • John broke the window with a hammer. • Broke(j,w,h) • The hammer broke the window. • Broke(h,w) • The window broke. • Broke(w) • Relationship between 1 st argument and the predicate is implicit, inaccessible to the system
Thematic Role example • John broke the window with the hammer • John : AGENT role window : THEME role hammer : INSTRUMENT role • Extend LF notation to explicitly use semantic roles 15 Semantic Processing [2]
Thematic Roles • Is there a precise way to define meaning of AGENT, THEME, etc.? • By definition: – “The AGENT is an instigator of the action described by the sentence.” • Testing via sentence rewrite: – John intentionally broke the window – *The hammer intentionally broke the window 16 Semantic Processing [2]
Thematic Roles [2] • THEME – Describes the primary object undergoing some change or being acted upon – For transitive verb X, “what was Xed?” – The gray eagle saw the mouse “What was seen?” (A: the mouse) • (Also called “PATIENT”) 17 Semantic Processing [2]
Can We Generalize? • Thematic roles describe general patterns of participants in generic events. • This gives us a kind of shallow, partial semantic representation. • First proposed by Panini, before 400 BC!
Thematic Roles Role Definition Example Agent Volitional causer of the event The waiter spilled the soup. Force Non-volitional causer of the event The wind blew the leaves around. Experiencer Mary has a headache. Theme Most directly affected participant Mary swallowed the pill . Result End-product of an event We constructed a new building . Content Proposition of a propositional event Mary knows you hate her . Instrument You shot her with a pistol . Beneficiary I made you a reservation. Source Origin of a transferred thing I flew in from Pittsburgh . Goal Destination of a transferred thing Go to hell !
Thematic Roles Dumb joke! Role Definition Example Agent Volitional causer of the event The waiter spilled the soup. Force Non-volitional causer of the event The wind blew the leaves around. Experiencer Mary has a headache. Theme Most directly affected participant Mary swallowed the pill . Result End-product of an event We constructed a new building . Content Proposition of a propositional event Mary knows you hate her . Instrument You shot her with a pistol . Beneficiary I made you a reservation. Source Origin of a transferred thing I flew in from Pittsburgh . Goal Destination of a transferred thing Go to hell !
Review: Verb Subcategorization Verbs have sets of allowed args. Could have many sets of VP rules. Instead, have a SUBCAT feature, marking sets of allowed arguments: +none -- Jack laughed +pp:loc -- Jack is at the store +np -- Jack found a key +np+pp:loc -- Jack put the box in the corner +np+np -- Jack gave Sue the paper +pp:mot -- Jack went to the store +vp:inf -- Jack wants to fly +np+pp:mot -- Jack took the hat to +np+vp:inf -- Jack told the man to go the party +vp:ing -- Jack keeps hoping for the +adjp -- Jack is happy best +np+adjp -- Jack kept the dinner hot +np+vp:ing -- Jack caught Sam looking at his desk +sthat -- Jack believed that the world was flat +np+vp:base -- Jack watched Sam look at his desk +sfor -- Jack hoped for the man to win a prize +np+pp:to -- Jack gave the key to the man 50-100 possible frames for English; a single verb can have several. (Notation from James Allen “Natural Language Understanding”)
Thematic Grid or Case Frame • Example: break – The child broke the vase. < agent theme > subj obj – The child broke the vase with a hammer. < agent theme instr > subj obj PP – The hammer broke the vase. < theme instr > obj subj – The vase broke. < theme > subj
Thematic Grid or Case Frame • Example: break – The child broke the vase. < agent theme > subj obj – The child broke the vase with a hammer. < agent theme instr > subj obj PP – The hammer broke the vase. < theme instr > obj subj – The vase broke. < theme > subj The Thematic Grid or Case Frame shows • How many arguments the verb has • What roles the arguments have • Where to find each argument • For example, you can find the agent in the subject position
Diathesis Alternation: a change in the number of arguments or the grammatical relations associated with each argument • Chris gave a book to Dana. < agent theme goal > subj obj PP • A book was given to Dana by Chris. < agent theme goal > PP subj PP • Chris gave Dana a book. < agent theme goal > subj obj2 obj • Dana was given a book by Chris. < agent theme goal > PP obj subj
The Trouble With Thematic Roles •
Two Datasets • Proposition Bank (PropBank): verb-specific thematic roles • FrameNet: “frame”-specific thematic roles • These are both lexicons containing case frames/thematic grids for each verb.
Proposition Bank (PropBank) • A set of verb-sense-specific “frames” with informal English glosses describing the roles • Conventions for labeling optional modifier roles • Penn Treebank is labeled with those verb-sense-specific semantic roles.
“Agree” in PropBank • arg0: agreer • arg1: proposition • arg2: other entity agreeing • The group agreed it wouldn’t make an offer. • Usually John agrees with Mary on everything. • arg0 is proto-agent, arg1 proto-patient
“Fall (move downward)” in PropBank • arg1: logical subject, patient, thing falling • arg2: extent, amount fallen • arg3: starting point • arg4: ending point • argM-loc: medium • Sales fell to $251.2 million from $278.8 million. • The average junk bond fell by 4.2%. • The meteor fell through the atmosphere, crashing into Cambridge.
FrameNet • FrameNet is similar, but abstracts from specific verbs, so that semantic frames are first-class citizens. • For example, there is a single frame called change_position_on_a_scale .
change_position_on_a_scale Many words, not just verbs, share the same frame: Verbs : advance, climb, decline, decrease, diminish, dip, double, drop, dwindle, edge, explode, fall, fluctuate, gain, grow, increase, jump, move, mushroom, plummet, reach, rise, rocket, shift, skyrocket, slide, soar, swell, swing, triple, tumble Nouns : decline, decrease, escalation, explosion, fall, fluctuation, gain, growth, hike, Oil rose in price by 2% increase, rise, shift, tumble It has increased to having them 1 day a month. Adverb : increasingly Microsoft shares fell to 7 5/8. Colon cancer incidence fell by 50% among men.
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