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Dont blame distributional semantics if it cant do entailment Matthijs Westera & Gemma Boleda Universitat Pompeu Fabra What is an adequate model of expression meaning ? 2 What is an adequate model of expression meaning ? Formal


  1. Don’t blame distributional semantics if it can’t do entailment Matthijs Westera & Gemma Boleda Universitat Pompeu Fabra

  2. What is an adequate model of expression meaning ? 2

  3. What is an adequate model of expression meaning ? Formal semantics Distributional semantics Formal semantics Distributional semantics animal dog cat house flat red 3

  4. What is an adequate model of expression meaning ? Formal semantics Distributional semantics Formal semantics Distributional semantics animal dog cat house flat red 4

  5. Don’t blame distributional semantics if it can’t do entailment Matthijs Westera & Gemma Boleda Universitat Pompeu Fabra

  6. What is an adequate model of expression meaning ? Formal semantics Distributional semantics Formal semantics Distributional semantics animal dog cat house flat red 6

  7. What is an adequate model of expression meaning ? Formal semantics Distributional semantics Formal semantics Distributional semantics animal dog cat house flat red 7

  8. What is an adequate model of expression meaning ? Formal semantics Distributional semantics Formal semantics Distributional semantics animal dog cat house flat red 8

  9. Expression meaning vs. speaker meaning (Grice ‘68) 9

  10. Expression meaning vs. speaker meaning (Grice ‘68) 10

  11. Expression meaning vs. speaker meaning (Grice ‘68) 11

  12. Expression meaning vs. speaker meaning (Grice ‘68) 12

  13. Expression meaning vs. speaker meaning (Grice ‘68) 13

  14. Expression meaning vs. speaker meaning (Grice ‘68) 14

  15. Expression meaning vs. speaker meaning (Grice ‘68) 15

  16. Expression meaning vs. speaker meaning (Grice ‘68) Speaker meaning : The speaker’s communicative intention (varies a lot). 16

  17. Expression meaning vs. speaker meaning (Grice ‘68) Speaker meaning : The speaker’s communicative intention (varies a lot). Expression meaning : Some kind of fjxed backbone of all uses. 17

  18. Expression meaning vs. speaker meaning (Grice ‘68) Speaker meaning : The speaker’s communicative intention (varies a lot). Expression meaning : Some kind of fjxed backbone of all uses. 18

  19. Expression meaning vs. speaker meaning (Grice ‘68) Speaker meaning : The speaker’s communicative intention (varies a lot). Expression meaning : Some kind of fjxed backbone of all uses. 19

  20. Expression meaning vs. speaker meaning (Grice ‘68) 20

  21. Expression meaning vs. speaker meaning (Grice ‘68) Expression meaning. 21

  22. Expression meaning vs. speaker meaning (Grice ‘68) Expression meaning. 22

  23. Expression meaning vs. speaker meaning (Grice ‘68) Expression meaning. 23

  24. Why is DS attractive as a model of expression meaning? 24

  25. DS as a model of expression meaning Expression meaning. 25

  26. DS as a model of expression meaning animal dog cat Expression meaning. house flat red 26

  27. DS as a model of expression meaning animal dog cat Expression meaning. house flat red 27

  28. DS as a model of expression meaning animal dog cat Expression meaning. house flat red 28

  29. DS as a model of concepts animal dog cat house flat red 29

  30. DS as a model of concepts ● The vectors of DS are abstractions over occurrences . animal dog cat house flat red 30

  31. DS as a model of concepts ● The vectors of DS are abstractions over occurrences . animal dog ● And so are concepts (e.g., Piaget). cat house flat red 31

  32. DS as a model of concepts ● The vectors of DS are abstractions over occurrences . animal dog ● And so are concepts (e.g., Piaget). cat house flat But what sort of concepts does DS model? red 32

  33. DS as a model of concepts ● The vectors of DS are abstractions over occurrences . animal dog ● And so are concepts (e.g., Piaget). cat house flat But what sort of concepts does DS model? red 33

  34. DS as a model of concepts ● The vectors of DS are abstractions over occurrences . animal dog ● And so are concepts (e.g., Piaget). cat house flat But what sort of concepts does DS model? red 34

  35. DS as a model of concepts ● The vectors of DS are abstractions over occurrences . animal dog ● And so are concepts (e.g., Piaget). cat house flat But what sort of concepts does DS model? red “cat” 35

  36. DS as a model of concepts ● The vectors of DS are abstractions over occurrences . animal dog ● And so are concepts (e.g., Piaget). cat house flat But what sort of concepts does DS model? red “cat” 36

  37. DS as a model of concepts of expressions 37

  38. DS as a model of concepts of expressions ● Concepts represent our ability to make sense of the world (e.g., Dummett ‘93). 38

  39. DS as a model of concepts of expressions ● Concepts represent our ability to make sense of the world (e.g., Dummett ‘93). 39

  40. DS as a model of concepts of expressions ● Concepts represent our ability to make sense of the world (e.g., Dummett ‘93). “cat” 40

  41. DS as a model of concepts of expressions ● Concepts represent our ability to make sense of the world (e.g., Dummett ‘93). “cat” ● So: concepts of expressions represent our ability to make sense of expressions . 41

  42. DS as a model of expression meaning animal dog Expression meaning. cat house flat red 42

  43. DS as a model of expression meaning animal dog Expression meaning. cat house flat red 43

  44. Is DS expected to model entailment ? “cat” “cat” 44

  45. Is DS expected to model entailment ? “cat” “cat” 45

  46. Is DS expected to model entailment ? “cat” “cat” “animal” 46

  47. Is DS expected to model entailment ? “cat” “cat” “animal” 47

  48. No . Is DS expected to model entailment ? “cat” “cat” “animal” 48

  49. No . Is DS expected to model entailment ? “cat” “cat” “animal” 49

  50. Why can DS be sufficient as a model of expression meaning? 50

  51. Recall: Formal semantics Distributional semantics Formal semantics Distributional semantics animal dog cat house flat 51

  52. Why doesn’t FS model expression meaning? (1/3) 52

  53. Why doesn’t FS model expression meaning? (1/3) Unnecessary 53

  54. Why doesn’t FS model expression meaning? (1/3) Unnecessary Words don’t refer, speakers do. (e.g., Strawson, Bach) 54

  55. Why doesn’t FS model expression meaning? (1/3) Unnecessary Words don’t refer, speakers do. (e.g., Strawson, Bach) 55

  56. Why doesn’t FS model expression meaning? (2/3) 56

  57. Why doesn’t FS model expression meaning? (2/3) Unfeasible 57

  58. Why doesn’t FS model expression meaning? (2/3) Unfeasible The set of uses of a given expression resists definition. (e.g., Wittgenstein; Rosch; Fodor; Kilgarriff) 58

  59. Why doesn’t FS model expression meaning? (2/3) Unfeasible The set of uses of a given expression resists definition. (e.g., Wittgenstein; Rosch; Fodor; Kilgarriff) 59

  60. Why doesn’t FS model expression meaning? (3/3) 60

  61. Why doesn’t FS model expression meaning? (3/3) Mistaken 61

  62. Why doesn’t FS model expression meaning? (3/3) Mistaken Supposed intuitions about expression meaning in fact reflect stereotypical speaker meaning. (e.g., Grice, Bach, Schwarz) 62

  63. Why doesn’t FS model expression meaning? (3/3) Mistaken Supposed intuitions about expression meaning in fact reflect stereotypical speaker meaning. (e.g., Grice, Bach, Schwarz) 63

  64. Why doesn’t FS model expression meaning? (3/3) Mistaken Supposed intuitions about expression meaning in fact reflect stereotypical speaker meaning. (e.g., Grice, Bach, Schwarz) 64

  65. Why doesn’t FS model expression meaning? (3/3) Mistaken Supposed intuitions about expression meaning in fact reflect stereotypical speaker meaning. (e.g., Grice, Bach, Schwarz) 65

  66. Why doesn’t FS model expression meaning? (3/3) Mistaken Supposed intuitions about expression meaning in fact reflect stereotypical speaker meaning. (e.g., Grice, Bach, Schwarz) Th e r e d c a t c h a s e d a mo u s e . 66

  67. Why doesn’t FS model expression meaning? (3/3) Mistaken Supposed intuitions about expression meaning in fact reflect stereotypical speaker meaning. (e.g., Grice, Bach, Schwarz) Th e r e d c a t c h a s e d a mo u s e . 67

  68. Conclusion 68

  69. Summing up 69

  70. Summing up ● DS is an adequate model of expression meaning. 70

  71. Summing up ● DS is an adequate model of expression meaning. – 71

  72. Summing up ● DS is an adequate model of expression meaning. – – “cat” “animal” 72

  73. Summing up ● DS is an adequate model of expression meaning. – – “cat” “animal” – it cannot do entailment (etc.), and isn’t supposed to. 73

  74. Now what? (1/3) 74

  75. Now what? (1/3) 75

  76. Now what? (1/3) 76

  77. Now what? (2/3) Formal semantics Distributional semantics Formal semantics Distributional semantics animal dog cat house flat 77

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