December 9, 2017 Ga/No Conversion and Feature Inheritance Masao - PDF document

NINJAL December 9, 2017 Ga/No Conversion and Feature Inheritance Masao Ochi Osaka University (ochi@lang.osaka-u.ac.jp) 1. Introduction (1) Taro-{ga/no} yonda hon Taro-NOM/GEN read book ‘the book that Taro read’ Ø ¡ Ga/No Conversion is much more extensive in Hichiku Japanese (HJ) (spoken in the western part of Kyushu island) than in “standard” Japanese (SJ). (2) Basu-{ga/no} kita. [ ✓ HJ; *SJ] bus-NOM-GEN came ‘The bus has come’ (3) How should we understand the case alternation? Points of this presentation (4) Proposal 1 (Ochi 2017) The two Case values (- ga and - no ) originate in the same syntactic head (see also Hiraiwa 2001, 2005). 1 (5) [ XP [ TP …. DP-{ga/no ...... ] X ] (where X is D or C) (6) Japanese adnominal clauses are TPs (Murasugi 1991). (7) a. Probing by X (no Feature Inheritance; FI): pronounced as no b. Feature Inheritance (FI) from X to T, and probing by T: pronounced as ga (8) a. [ XP [ TP [ vP DP ..... ] T ] X] (- no ) Agree b. Feature Inheritance (from X to T) [ XP [ TP [ vP DP .... ] T ] X] (- ga ) Agree FI (9) Proposal 2 Feature Inheritance (FI) may occur from X (= D or C) to weak v , skipping T, in which case we obtain - no : - ga is a marker indicating that T probes (via FI). 1 Alternatively, X = N if Japanese is an NP language (Bo š kovi ć 2005).

[ XP [ TP [ vP DP ... v ] T ] X] (- no ) Agree FI (10) Proposal 3 Standard Japanese (SJ) and Hichiku Japanese (HJ) have the same specifications for the FI involving D, but different specifications for the FI involving C, as summarized below. (11) Standard Japanese (SJ) Probing by X FI & probing by FI & probing by weak v ( → no ) T ( → ga ) ( → no ) D ✓ ✓ ✓ C temporal * ✓ ✓ all other Cs, * * ✓ including C null (12) Hichiku Japanese (HJ): Nominative/Genitive Conversion occurs in root clauses as well as in a variety of embedded clauses in the dialects spoken in the western part of Kyushu island (including Saga, some parts of Fukuoka, most parts of Kumamoto and Nagasaki). Probing by X FI & probing by FI & probing by T weak v ( → no ) ( → ga ) ( → no ) D ✓ ✓ ✓ C temporal ✓ ✓ ✓ C null * ✓ ✓ all other Cs ✓ ✓ ✓ 2. Data 2.1 Standard(?) Japanese 2.1.1 Adnominal clauses Ø ¡ Genitive argument is limited to the highest clause in the adnominal domain in SJ (13) Taro-ga Hanako-{ga/*no} yonda to omotteiru hon Taro-NOM Hanako-{NOM/*GEN} read that think book ‘the book that Taro thinks that Hanako read’ 2

2.1.2 Temporal adjunct clauses (14) Temporal adjunct clauses allow NGC but they lack a nominal head. (H.Takahashi 2010; Miyagawa’s (2012) Genitive of Dependent Tense ) Ø ¡ Point 1: Lack of ambiguity (15) a. Taro-ga Hanako-ga kuru to iu jikan made Taro-NOM Hanako-NOM come that say time until Jiro-wa soko-ni ita. (ambiguous) Jitro-TOP there-DAT was ‘Jiro was there until the time that Taro said Hanako would come.’ b. Taro-ga Hanako-ga kuru to iu made Taro-NOM Hanako-NOM come that say until Jiro-wa soko-ni ita. (unambiguous) Jitro-TOP there-DAT was ‘Jiro was there until Taro said Hanako would come.’ Ø ¡ Point 2: GNC is restricted to internal arguments (16) ame-{ga/no} yamu made mati-masyoo. rain-NOM/GEN stop until wait.let us ‘Let’s wait until the rain-{ga/no} stops.’ (17) Hanako-{ga/??no} hashiru made mati-masyoo. child NOM/GEN run until wait.let us ‘Let’s wait until Hanako-{ga/??no} runs.’ 2.2 Ga/No Conversion in Hichiku Japanese (Kato 2007, Nishioka 2014 etc.) 2.2.1 Adnominal clauses (omitted) 2.2.2 Matrix clauses (18) Unaccusatives Basu-{ga/no} kita. [Note: {ga /* no} in SJ] bus-NOM-GEN came ‘The bus has come’ (19) a. Unergatives along with sentence-final particles (SFPs) Taroo ga/no odor-ta to yo/bai. [Note: {ga /* no} in SJ] Taro NOM/GEN dance-PST SFP SFP ‘Taro-{ga/no} danced.’ b. Unergatives in the progressive form (Sakai 2013, Ochi and Saruwatari 2014) Taroo-{ga/no} odor-to-ru. [Note: {ga /* no} in SJ] Taro NOM/GEN dance-TE-be.PRS ‘Taro-{ga/no} is dancing.’ 3

2.2.3 Embedded clauses (20) Complement clause [Note: {ga /* no} in SJ] a. Taroo-ga/no 100 metoru oyoida to-ni(-wa) bikkurisita. Taroo-NOM/GEN 100 meter swam COMP-DAT(-TOP) was surprised ‘I was surprised that Taro-{ga/no} swam 100 meters.’ (Nishioka 2014) b. Hanako-{ga/no} odoru ka wakara-n. Hanako-NOM/GEN dance Q know-Neg ‘I don’t know whether Hanako-{ga/no} will dance.’ (21) Adjunct clauses [Note: {ga /* no} in SJ] a . Hanako-ga/no odoru toki / made , kaijo-ni oru-ne. Hanako-NOM/GEN dance when/until hall-at be-C ‘When/until Hanako-{ga/-no} dances, I’ll be at the hall.’ b . Hanako-{ga/-no} odoru ken , kaijo-ni oru-ne. Hanako-NOM/GEN dance because hall-at be-C ‘Because Hanako-{ga/-no} will dance, I’ll be at the hall.’ (Ochi and Saruwatari 2014) 3. Distinct distributions of ga and no (both in HJ and SJ) (22) a. NP- ga : external to (weak) v P (i.e., in the domain of TP) b. NP- no : internal to weak v P (see Watanabe (1996), Miyagawa (2011), Nambu and Nakatani (2014) for SJ; see also Kato (2007) and Nishioka (2014) for HJ) [ XP (DP-no) ... [ TP DP- ga [ vP DP- no .... v ] T ] ... X ] (23) ‘adjacency’ effects for SJ (see Harada 1971, Watanabe 1996, Miyagawa 2011) a. kinoo kodomo-tachi-ga/??no oozei kyooshitsu-de sawaida koto yesterday children-NOM/??GEN many classroom-at clamor fact ‘the fact that many children-{ga/??no} clamored in the classroom yesterday’ b. kinoo kyooshitsu-de oozei kodomo-tachi ga/no sawaida koto yesterday classroom-at many children NOM/GEN clamor fact ‘the fact that many children-{ga/no} clamored in the classroom yesterday’ (24) Scope: Hichiku Japanese a. Zenin-ga ko-n. All-NOM come-Neg ‘All didn’t come.’ (all>not: *not>all) b. Zenin-no ko-n. All-GEN come-Neg ‘All didn’t come.’ ((?)all>not: not>all) (Saruwatari 2016, pp. 83-84) 4

4 Analysis (25) [ XP [ TP ... DP-{ga/no} ...... ] X ] [where X (= D or C)] (26) Feature Inheritance (Richards 2007, Chomsky 2008 etc.) [ CP C [ TP T [ v P .... DP ... ] ] ] FI Agree (27) Miyagawa (2010, 2017) Application of Feature Inheritance is parameterized. Grammatical features originating on a phase head (e.g., C) may be inherited by a non-phase head (e.g., T) in some languages and retained by the phase head in others. (28) Japanese (in principle) exercises both options for the phase heads D and C. 4.1 Case alternation in adnominal clauses (both SJ and HJ) (29) the two Case values (- ga and - no ) originate in the same head, X (= D) (30) a. [ DP [ TP [ vP DP ... ] T ] N ] D] (- no ) Agree b. [ DP [ TP [ vP DP ... ] T ] N ] D] (- ga ) Agree FI (31) Japanese adnominal clauses are TPs (Murasugi 1991). (32) In Old Japanese, both - ga and - no served as possessive markers (in noun phrases) and subject markers (of nominalized clauses). Their (complementary) distributions are conditioned by several factors, including a relationship between the speaker and the entity denoted by the noun to which they are attached (see below). Crucially, this point holds across nominal (i.e., ga/no as possessive markers) and clausal (i.e., ga/no as subject markers) domains (Yanagida and Whitman 2009, Nomura 2011, Uchibori et al. 2010). (33) Yanagida and Whitman (2009) a. - ga : restricted to personal nouns whose referent is someone close to the speaker (e.g., imo ‘sister, wife, lover’, or a pronoun with a specific human referent. b. -no : nonspecific animate nouns (e.g., pito ‘other people’) and with inanimate nouns. (34) Uchibori, Maki, and Jin (2010) - ga (anti-honorific); - no (honorific) (35) a. wa- ga ko I-GEN child ‘my child’ 5

b. hito- no ko person-GEN child ‘the person’s child’ (cited from Uchibori, Maki, and Jin 2010) (36) a. tada wa- ga tatetaru koto just I-NOM paid due respect (ADN) fact ‘the fact that I paid due respect (to him)’ b. imijiku hito- no shiritaru gen nare domo very well person-NOM know(ADN) word be although ‘although (it is) the word which people know very well’ (cited from Uchibori, Maki, and Jin 2010) Ø ¡ “mixed” patterns (with a stative predicate): D retains F and transfers F at the same time? (37) Taro-{ga/no} totemo yoku eigo-{ga/no} wakaru koto Taro-NOM/GEN very well English-NOM understand fact ‘the fact that Taro{-ga/no} understands English{-ga/no} well’ (38) [ DP D [ NP N [ TP T [ vP Taro .... English .... ] (for DP-no DP-ga ) (39) When Feature Inheritance (FI) takes place, transferring some feature(s) F from a phase head to a non-phase head, such features remain active on a phase head “for a while,” before being eliminated from it at the completion of a phase cycle. Ø ¡ EPP in Japanese (40) T in Japanese has the EPP when ‘activated’ by FI. ⇒ Probing by T (= - ga ) dislocates a DP into the domain of T a. kinoo kodomo-tachi-ga/??no oozei kyooshitsu-de sawaida koto yesterday children-NOM/??GEN many classroom-at clamor fact ‘the fact that many children-{ga/??no} clamored in the classroom yesterday’ b. kinoo kyooshitsu-de oozei kodomo-tachi ga/no sawaida koto yesterday classroom-at many children NOM/GEN clamor fact ‘the fact that many children-{ga/no} clamored in the classroom yesterday’ 4.2 Case alternation in clausal domains (HJ, *SJ) (41) a. [ DP [ TP [ vP DP ... ] T ] C] ( no ) Agree b. [ DP [ TP [ vP DP ... ] T ] C ] ( ga ) Agree FI 6