combining formal and distributional models of temporal
play

Combining Formal and Distributional Models of Temporal and - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

Combining Formal and Distributional Models of Temporal and Intensional Semantics Mike Lewis and Mark Steedman Inference with Temporal Senantics Mike is visiting Baltimore Mike has arrived in Baltimore Mike will leave Baltimore Mike


  1. Combining Formal and Distributional Models of Temporal and Intensional Semantics Mike Lewis and Mark Steedman

  2. Inference with Temporal Senantics Mike is visiting Baltimore ⇒ Mike has arrived in Baltimore ⇒ Mike will leave Baltimore ⇏ Mike has left Baltimore

  3. Inference with Temporal Senantics Mike is visiting Baltimore ⇒ Mike has arrived in Baltimore ⇒ Mike will leave Baltimore ⇏ Mike has left Baltimore Temporal information can be expressed by both function words and content words

  4. Proposal ● Hand built lexicon for function words ● Symbolic content word interpretations from distributional semantics ● CCG for compositional semantics

  5. Combining Distributional and Logical Semantics 1 visit leave 2 arrive in 3 exit reach depart

  6. Combining Distributional and Logical Semantics 1 visit leave 2 arrive in 3 exit reach depart visit ⊢ λxλyλe . rel1(x,y,e) arrive in ⊢ λxλyλe . rel2(x,y,e) reach ⊢ λxλyλe . rel2(x,y,e) leave ⊢ λxλyλe . rel3(x,y,e)

  7. Combining Distributional and Logical Semantics Mike reached Baltimore NP (S\NP)/NP NP mike λyλxλe . rel2 (x,y,e) baltimore S\NP λxλe . rel2 (x, baltimore) S λe . rel2 (mike, baltimore, e)

  8. Combining Distributional and Logical Semantics Mike arrived in Baltimore rel2 (mike, baltimore, e) ⇒ Mike reached Baltimore rel2 (mike, baltimore, e)

  9. Combining Distributional and Logical Semantics didn’t Mike reach Baltimore (S\NP)/(S\NP) NP (S\NP)/NP NP λpλxλe. ¬p(x,e) mike λyλxλe . rel2 (x,y,e) baltimore S\NP λxλe . rel2 (x, baltimore) S\NP λxλe . ¬ rel2 (x, baltimore, e) S λe . ¬ rel2 (mike, baltimore, e)

  10. Combining Distributional and Logical Semantics Mike didn’t arrive in Baltimore ¬rel2 (mike, baltimore) Mike didn’t reach Baltimore ¬rel2 (mike, baltimore)

  11. Combining Distributional and Logical Semantics Simple clustering is not enough ● Models words as either synonyms or unrelated ● Many lexical semantic relations: temporal, causal, hypernyms, etc.

  12. Temporal Semantics 1 visit leave 2 arrive in 3 exit reach depart

  13. Temporal Semantics 1 visit y terminated by b d e t a i t i n i leave 2 arrive in 3 exit reach depart Learn graph structures capturing relations between events Similar to Scaria et al. (2013)

  14. Temporal Semantics 1 visit y terminated by b d e t a i t i n i leave 2 arrive in 3 exit reach depart arrive in ⊢ λxλyλe . rel2(x,y,e) reach ⊢ λxλyλe . rel2(x,y,e) leave ⊢ λxλyλe . rel3(x,y,e)

  15. Temporal Semantics 1 visit y terminated by b d e t a i t i n i leave 2 arrive in 3 exit reach depart visit ⊢ λxλyλe . rel1(x,y,e) ∧ ∃ e’[rel2(x,y,e’) ∧ before(e,e’)] ∃ e’’[rel3(x,y,e’’) ∧ after(e,e’’)]

  16. Temporal Semantics Hand-build lexical entries for auxiliary verbs, using same temporal relations: has ⊢ λpλxλe . before (r, e) ∧ p(x, e) will ⊢ λpλxλe . after (r, e) ∧ p(x, e) is ⊢ λpλxλe . during (r, e) ∧ p(x, e) used ⊢ λpλxλe . before (r, e) ∧ p(x, e) ∧ ¬ ∃ e’[ during (r, e) ∧ p(x, e’)]

  17. Temporal Semantics will Mike leave Baltimore (S\NP)/(S\NP) NP (S\NP)/NP NP λpλxλe. p(x,e) ∧ after(r,e) mike λyλxλe . rel3(x,y,e) baltimore S\NP λxλe . rel3(x, baltimore) S\NP λxλe . rel3(x, baltimore, e) ∧ after(r,e) S λe . rel3(mike, baltimore, e) ∧ after(r,e)

  18. Temporal Semantics Mike is visiting Baltimore ∃ e[rel1(mike, baltimore, e) ∧ during(r,e)] ∧ ∃ e’[rel2(mike, baltimore, e’) ∧ before(e,e’)] ∧ ∧ ∃ e’’[rel3(mike, baltimore, e) ∧ after(e’’,e)]

  19. Temporal Semantics Mike is visiting Baltimore ∃ e[rel1(mike, baltimore, e) ∧ during(r,e)] ∧ ∃ e’[rel2(mike, baltimore, e’) ∧ before(e,e’)] ∧ ∧ ∃ e’’[rel3(mike, baltimore, e) ∧ after (e’’,e)] ⇒ Mike will leave Baltimore ∃ e[rel3(mike, baltimore, e) ∧ after(r,e)]

  20. Intensional Semantics Mike set out for Baltimore ⇒ Mike tried to reach Baltimore ⇒ Mike headed to Baltimore ⇏ Mike reached Baltimore

  21. Intensional Semantics Mike failed to reach Baltimore ⇒ Mike tried to reach Baltimore ⇒ Mike headed to Baltimore ⇒ Mike didn’t reach Baltimore

  22. Temporal Semantics visit 1 y terminated by b d e t a i t i n i leave arrive in 2 exit 3 reach depart

  23. Intensional Semantics 4 1 visit y terminated by b g set out for d o a e l t head to a i t i n i leave 2 arrive in 3 exit reach depart

  24. Intensional Semantics 4 1 visit y terminated by b g set out for d o a e l t head to a i t i n i leave 2 arrive in 3 exit reach depart set out for ⊢ λxλyλe . rel4(x,y,e) ∧ ⋄∃ e’[rel2(x,y,e’) ∧ goal(e,e’)]

  25. Intensional Semantics try ⊢ λpλxλe. ∃ e’[goal(e, e’) ∧ ⋄ p(x, e’)]

  26. Intensional Semantics try ⊢ λpλxλe. ∃ e’[goal(e, e’) ∧ ⋄ p(x, e’)] fail ⊢ λpλxλe. ∃ e’[goal(e, e’) ∧ ⋄ p(x,e’)] ∧ ¬ ∃ e’’[goal(e, e’’) ∧ p(x, e’’)]

  27. Intensional Semantics Mike set out for Baltimore ∃ e[rel4(x,y,e) ∧ ⋄∃ e’[rel2(mike, baltimore,e’) ∧ goal(e,e’)] ⇒ Mike tried to reach Baltimore ⋄ ∃ e’[rel2(mike, baltimore, e’) ∧ goal(e,e’)]

  28. Evaluation

  29. Conclusions ● Many inferences rely on complex interaction of formal and lexical semantics ● Recent work gives us the tools to incorporate more linguistics into computational semantics

Recommend


More recommend